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Comrade Kid with the 25.

Strel Standing with the 5.

What's up?

Midwest Singh with the 10

What's going on?

Midnight, Red Guardian,

Eternal Zeno

What's going on, y'all?

Appreciate y'all.

All right, y'all.

We're going to get right into it.

We got to get right into it. We gotta get right into it.

The X is a platform owned by the richest man on Earth.

It's a very, such a great platform worth bit trillions and billions, but it doesn't even have

a fucking dedicated desktop

spaces feature.

So I have to use this clanky piece of

shit

blue stacks to get it going

because X is actually a piece

of shit.

And it hasn't improved since Twitter.

They've changed the design

and they change the name and it's still

a piece of shit.

Can't even fucking...

You know, all this stuff that they do, they can't even

have a dedicated desktop

feature.

Anyway, guys, we're going to get right into the confronted chairman,

and I'm going to start it right now,

so I expect everyone to boost the space.

If you don't boost the space

you're not getting content because how are people

are going to see it okay

so use your head you freaking

idiot and also I delete it anyway

so if you don't want it to clog your timeline

I'll delete it right after

so don't worry, you fucking idiot.

Ah, hmm. Oh, let's see what ragebate title we're going to be using tonight for our X-space.

Oh, boy, this is my favorite part of the whole thing.

Because this is the part.

By the way, it's so late, and the streams are just so late, and oh my God, so horrible.

Well, fucking cry about it also by the way Halloween

is tomorrow

or it's in 10 minutes

make it about Zoran

does anyone give a shit about Zoron, Mondani?

Okay.

Zohran.

Zoron, DSA.

DSA people.

I don't know. I don't know.

Lemon,

shut the fuck up

and don't spam that in my chat,

you idiot.

What an idiot.

Silwa. Spam that in my chat, you idiot. What an idiot. So, guys, what are you talking about?

I don't even know what we're talking about here.

Okay?

I'm trying to come up with a good space name.

You guys are not helping me cook.

Something that's going to be, some there'll be some rage bait I'm

okay I'll talk about Zoron Okay, this is like whatever.

I just like the most bare-bone shit you can think of.

All right, I'm going to copy the link. Everyone...

I mean, when I say everyone has to boost this shit,

when I say everyone has to boost this shit,

you know, what I'm talking about is...

I'm talking about if you want some...

Do you see the Epstein news? I did not.

Why does it post twice?

Why does it post twice? Why does it post twice?

Which one is the correct one? I don't know.

Fuck it.

Posting twice.

It posted twice.

Did it really?

Or should I, do I delete one or is that the only one or what's going on?

Jesus Christ, this is like such a disaster.

I need a co-host as well.

This guy named a philosopher.

First of all, this guy's getting ahead of himself.

What's going on?

Okay, we'll just fucking boost this one i have to fucking delete both of these here boost this one i'll uh post it i'll link it everyone boost this if you want people to fucking find this and see it, okay?

You want some content.

Philosopher, can you speak?

Because you're getting ahead of yourself before I even introduce anything.

So you must be excited.

Oh, he left.

No, I'm really excited.

You know, like, this is like my favorite topic. I'm just here, you know, to listen to you guys. Thank you for, you know, giving me the platform to talk.

So what it, but you, you requested requested to speak did you not okay there's nothing oh wait, sorry.

Sorry, you want me to talk about this?

Well, you requested to speak, did you not?

Oh, okay.

I thought you were going to start off and then, like, you know, everybody chimes in, but never

mind.

I'll just go back to listening.

Oh, wait, listen, what's up?

Anyway, y'all, let me, uh, let me get into this. So, Zohan Mamdani, when is his election technically?

When is it happening?

I thought it was supposed to happen this October.

What happened?

Um, whatever? When is it happening? I thought it was supposed to happen this October. What happened? What happened to Zoran?

Tuesday.

Okay, next Tuesday.

November 4th.

Okay.

So, Whitelist.

What's up, bro?

That notification is about to come.

It's about to hit.

It's about to hit. It is about to come it's about to hit it's about to hit it's about

right now ah there we go all right anyway let's talk about zoron okay and i'm gonna need a co- a co-host, by the way, because I can't see everyone, by the way.

But Zohon's getting elected on the fourth, and, well, this is certainly polarized.

Actually, I want to talk about something very interesting, which is something I was thinking about. I even wanted to make a post about it. I want to talk about how neoconservatism hijacked and twisted Maoism in the same way that the Nazis hijacked and twisted Bolshevism.

And I was thinking about this, which is that typically revolutionaries, it's pretty clear cut, right?

They see there's an institutional vacuum in the countryside, which there always is, by the way.

Osos, what's up? There's an institutional vacuum in the countryside, which there always is, by the way. Oh, Sos, what's up? There's an institutional vacuum in the countryside. Why? Because urbanization and urbanity is defined by proximity toward the reign of institutions. And rural areas tend to be pretty, I mean, by definition, they're neglected.

They're neglected by the institutions.

So what the American Deep State did was actually pretty brilliant when you think about it.

What they did is that they studied through extensive counter-guerilla operations that were waged during the Cold War.

The U.S. was actually involved in this and got this experience.

Also, I wouldn't doubt that they studied Mao. I mean, Kissinger studied Mao. They all studied Mao. And they realized that one of the ways they could secure the longevity, not only secure the U.S. regime from potential partisan guerrilla threats internally in terms of its security, but also actually have a like a base of support to implement these sweeping structural and policy changes that they otherwise would not be able to get away with,

is that they started doing what Mao did, both during the long March years of the 1930s, and during the era of socialist construction, which was building up, filling the vacuum as far as rural education and rule soft power and rule institutions. And that was done, that was a top-down process.

A lot of people think it was spontaneous, and it absolutely wasn't.

So what the regime did, and if you follow the money trail, these was coming from the top.

These were all cosmopolitan, you know, urban educated. So you mean Jews. Actually, there were quite a few Jews involved in this. I don't know if I would say the majority of them, but it just goes to show this didn't come from the rural America.

Absolutely not. It came from the highly educated, you know, ruling class elite.

But what happened is that they started, I don't know what order I would put this in, but the government anti-communism that couldn't be justified within the framework of U.S. democracy, you know, the ruling class started funding the John Birch Society, and they started kind of getting

involved on politics on a very local level. Joe McCarthy was a kind of demagogue with respect

to this, right? You had the whole Southern strategy with Nixon, which was a huge part of this and uh so eventually

we start getting to these movies from hollywood which are like the culmination of this

silent majority that had been that was being cultivated right this kind of like right-wing Maoist tactics.

And I think there's a few movies that come to mind.

Red Dawn, Conan the Barbarian,

I think they're directed by the same guy

who literally called himself a Maoist.

He said, I'm so far right that I'm a Maoist.

And that's pretty brilliant, right?

And then Rambo First Blood, absolutely, falls within this category.

Rambo First Blood, right?

The whole pop culture and soft power, you know, nexus within the U.S., becomes defined by this strategy to encircle the sentiments of the cities with the sentiments of the rural Americans, right? It surround

the cities by the countryside.

And that actually gets

used as a strategy and as

a kind of tactic

to implement policy changes

under Reagan. So Reaganomics

and aggressive anti-communist foreign policy,

confronting South America, and so on and so on. Because, you know, you go to rural America

and you wonder, why is it that you do have the predominance of this reactionary consciousness?

And a lot of Trotskyites like to attribute that to, well, rural people are just backward.

They're reactionary by nature.

And then you'll have some even Maoist claim.

Well, it's because they're settlers and these rural people in Appalachia.

They're the ultimate beneficiaries of imperialism.

But the truth is,

you need to follow the money and see how,

you know, billionaires, Wall Street,

the regime, the deep state,

they spent untold billions and billions building up rural, cultural infrastructure, more or less, to basically monopolize it where there was before a vacuum, they created this kind of rural soft power to define

the consciousness of rural people and rule people they're poor they're they're they're they're far away

from the centers of consciousness within the country and of course they take what's readily available to them of

course they're going to take it this is a standard Maoist 101 tactics you go to the kind of marginalized

periphery where people basically have nothing and they'll take something rather than nothing this This is how you build a revolutionary base.

But the U.S. Deep State learned that they could actually do this, you know, without the revolutionary aspect.

So this is something that was it was done for decades and decades

the Reagan

Reagan phenomena Reagan populism

and then okay the final one

that I think is very overlooked is the religious revival that happened in the 1980s.

The construction of the evangelical churches.

You need to study the history of the evangelical church.

The evangelical churches didn't come from the grassroots.

It was a top-down thing, and that was really the stronghold for the rule strategy, you know,

it's a build-up rule infrastructure.

The church was created as a center of spiritual life, of consciousness, and all this kind of stuff,

and it was absolutely a top-down initiative to monopolize the consciousness of rural people with religion, with the evangelical churches.

So this is what they did.

And this base that was built up in rural America ever since was used as the base of the Republican Party. Now the Democrats did something similar, but instead of the rural white populations, they did it with black populations.

One for one, pretty much the same thing.

And in this way, you know, you have these permanently consolidated populations that are at odds with each other.

And if you notice the arrow of history of U.S. policy making and the overall orientation of American foreign policy and the structural changes.

I mean, it's all going in one direction.

So, you know, when people say it's a duopoly, it's not actually a lie.

The Democrats and the Republicans, they've been kind of playing catch you know

your turn hey your turn and they're going in the same direction

uh Clinton you know passes NAFTA I mean

this is a this is a continuity it's a line that's going in one direction

and um it is it is a brilliant it was the most brilliant application of dialectics by any

counter revolutionary regime in history. Because what actually happens when you analyze it is that typically, you know, you have this urban institutionalized monopoly, you know, CIA, Harvard, the Ivy Leagues, Hollywood, the media, and it's kind of like Democrat oriented. You know, this is the Democrats. These are the urban centers of U.S. imperial power, you know, all the kind of bigwigs, so to speak, NGOs, respectable, coastal elites, whatever.

So the task is very simple. You go down to the countryside like Mao.

You build a counter-hegemonic movement. But actually, the Republicans were

purposed for that task. That was already done. So that the same ruling class

monopolized and consolidated the sole foundation of any actual resistance to the to the

unit party kind of orientation of US politics in one direction you know I'd say

that this culminates in Obama, and Obama made the mistake, and this was a grave miscalculation on the part of the American ruling class. This was the big miscalculation on the part of the American ruling class was made under Obama. And the miscalculation was that now is the time that we don't have to play this red versus blue dialectic anymore. And we can have this great consolidation. We have Mittney and paul ryan and obama come together

and we don't need this um dialectic anymore we have fully consolidated power up and down you know uh it's over you know so so under

Obama you kind of saw the naked agenda of the ruling class kind of kind of

rear its head in a lot of ways.

And for all intensive purposes,

they consider this like the end of history.

Like, it's over.

We finally don't have to do this, you know,

right-wing Maoism anymore.

And the liberals, for their part, don't have to do this kind of you know um this

opposing tendency i guess and you know Obama's supposed to be this great unifier.

And I think that with Trump and the Trump phenomena,

I don't think there's much evidence that points in the direction that he was planned to win. I think they opened the possibility he could win and they would

and keep in mind, this is data for them. You know, the ruling class

of the U.S. deep state

is not so much challenged by Trump as it is maybe annoyed that oh that guy won that means we have to reorient our strategy in a really drastic and dramatic way but ultimately it's not that you you know, Trump is a revolutionary or something, but he found an exploit.

You know, developers of a video game, for example, if you want to put it this way, do they like when there's a hacker who finds an exploit

in their game? Well, no, it causes them

more work, but they appreciate it

and they absolutely

will tolerate it in some sense.

And even though they'll try to find people,

let's see if you can find this exploit,

right? They'll leave it open.

And if people manage to,

they're like, oh shit, there was an exploit

we didn't know about. Now we have to patch it up.

Of course, they would prefer that no exploit is found.

But

there was, right? That was Trump.

Trump found an exploit in the system and they were like oh god

there's an exploit but it was very easy for them to patch it up and in a sense they're grateful

for anyone who exploits the system. Johnny, what's up?

So they can patch it up, and that's what they've been doing since Trump was elected.

You know, the whole...

So you need to understand.

There's some kind of dialectical awareness

at the highest range of power, I think.

Johnny, what's up, bro?

Appreciate you for the two.

So,

this is the issue

that people who think

that they're up against a regime

that is undialectical, well, the facts

show otherwise. It actually

has a profound ability to adapt to exploits and to contradictions.

And so, Johnny, what's up, man?

Appreciate you.

Thank you.

Okay. appreciate you thank you what the fuck milkman with the 50 holy shit

bro

milkman with the 50 what What the fuck is up, bro. Wow. Wow. Wow. Thank you, bro. Thank you so much.

Let me continue what I was saying.

So the so-called right-wing Maoist strategy, Trumpism was the leftovers of a strategy that by that time was supposed to be abandoned.

The Republican Party didn't want to repeat the Reagan, a campaign of the 1980s. By that time, the Republican establishment wanted to go the way of, you know, to go the way of, you know, Jeb Bush or Rubio probably, right? I think he was the favorite always. He still is.

And, you know,

Jeff Bush, Rubio, and these kind of people.

Maybe Ted Cruz,

although he was slightly a troublemaker

for them, but of course he's when i say troublemaker i'm not talking

about someone fundamentally against them i'm talking about you know somebody who's finding exploits

and and using them as leverage, you know?

Anyway, let me continue.

Okay, so Trump proves that the Obama consensus fails at the time for the Great Reconciliation is clearly not here.

That in order to actually secure control and secure power and by the U.S. hegemony, you know, it still has a long way to go, basically, right? And I think you even hear people liberal saying this in response to, well, we have a long way to go

as a country in terms of fulfilling

our dream of becoming a democracy,

whatever.

So the leftovers of the John Birch

Society and the entire

Republican rule strategy rise in revolt against the very same forces that propped it up in the first place in some sense, right? And of course the Republican Party hangs on and doubles down on what it already has to further and continue its – the overall long-term agenda of the U.S. regime, which, by the way, is absolutely blind to whether it's Democrat or Republican.

These are different...

See, right now we're witnessing pretty drastic steps taken in the direction of the, you know,

total overthrow of U.S. civil liberties and the country. This would have happened under Obama under a great reconciliation as well. It was happening under Biden, right? The regime needs different ways to spin it to the population in order to effectively govern and rule over

us, right? That's what they need.

They need different ways to spin it.

And Trump, you know, the way they

spin it is, oh, we're fighting Antifa,

we're fighting terrorists,

yada, yada,

and this is

you know a different flavor

you know for Biden

it's January 6 and

you know the the Maga

extremist or whatever

but in any case

the orientation and the direction

the arrow is the same

now that doesn't mean that

there's no contradictions within the state

within the hegemony of course there are We're seeing that this is laying the foundation of a U.S. Civil War. By the way, the U.S. Civil War is happening because of a systemic and structural necessity. Everyone is at their post doing their job as they're supposed to be doing according to the logic of the hegemony itself.

And that is at odds. That is revealing itself to be contradictory.

So this is why it's a real civil war that's going to happen.

It's not because the Democrats can't get

along with Trump. It's because

everyone doing their duty and doing

what they're supposed to do,

according to the logic of

hegemony, is actually

creating a conflict.

It's the same hegemony.

It's just everyone's supposed to be doing what they're doing.

Nobody's out of line.

Nobody's rebelling.

Nobody's revolting.

Everyone's doing what they're supposed to be doing including trump and the republican

party trump and the republican party absolutely have to dig their knee dig their feet into the ground

and consolidate the the you know the American peasant

hinterland base

that was created

under Nixon and Reagan

absolutely

if the U.S.

loses

if the hegemony

ceases to have

a foundation among that base, if that base revolts against the Republican Party, you have a security vulnerability that could be exploited by an American Mao Zedong.

So they absolutely need to keep pressing and they need to stay at their post and do what they're

supposed to but the democrats also have obligations they also need to do what they're supposed to be doing

right so this is creating the the fertile soil of what's going to be in the next American Civil War.

But in any case, why am I talking about all this?

Well, I'm talking about all of this because of the new guy, Zoran,

and how he's pushing American politics left.

And I want to remark upon the irony

of why U.S. politics

is as weird and strange as it is

at the level of geography and at the

level of politics, you know, on a geographic

level.

So, Zorne, geographic level. So

Zoran, it's so interesting

because

revolutionaries, or let's just say the left wing,

the left wing has always thrived

throughout history

in, you know, the strategy of dual power. And that doesn't

have to be taking it to its logical conclusion, like in a revolution. It could also be building

up a foundation and a base of support among, you know, populations that are just neglected

by the core,

by the institutional core of the

hegemony. So for Mao, it

was peasants. For Lenin, it was the peasants.

Even the proletariat

represented this niche, you know,

in the 19th century.

It was in it, absolutely, it was an institutional niche.

The proletariat didn't have its own voice.

It didn't have its own institutions representing it.

And this was, you know, this was a niche within civil society that the left defines itself by, you know, submerging itself within to build a base and build a foundation against egemony.

What about Fidel? That's a perfect example of what I'm talking about. Okay? There were two lines within the Cuban Revolution. One, where the city, intelligentsia and other kind of forces, who, yeah, were against the Batista regime, but were not the decisive factor

in the success of the revolution. The line represented by Che Guevara, which translated into

the application of the focal theory of, you know, guerrilla warfare from the Sierra

Mount uh... sorry

um

I want to pronounce it correctly

anyway

that is actually what brought the Cuban revolution

to fruition.

Che embedded the guerrillas among the, again, rural Cuban population.

How did the Cuban regime consolidate itself by building up educational infrastructure in the Cuban hinterlands.

That's actually the reason there's still a Cuban state.

That's independent.

That's why.

So, you know, every state, you know know creates a framework of control

okay that's just what states are they create a framework

of some kind of exercise of power exercise of

state power right

and states you immediate at the outset, can only do that within proximity to their institutions.

So the urban core.

States and political power can design new cities. It can create new cities. It can plan cities. It can plan life. It can regulate life. It can create laws. It can create zoning. And it has all this immense control and power over the immediate geographic proximity to it on a logistical and material level.

Its own ability to exert itself and exert itself as a power.

Now, rurality, which some people associate with agriculture, but should more broadly be identified and understood as a

kind of opposing tension

to the core

of state power.

Bolshevik,

what's up,

bro?

Appreciate you.

This is always

a kind of

blind spot

in any given

state power.

Party,

dictatorship,

liberal democracy,

it doesn't

actually matter.

The rule hinterland is always a blind spot by nature, because rurality is not premised by political power. It is the basis and foundation

of the power. So whoever wins the hinterland whoever has a basis and a

foothold in the hinterlands uh you know can can rule the whole country because if you don't

secure your rule hinterland, if it's

unsecured, then rebels can rise

against you.

You know, like a Mao Zedong

or a Che Guevar or anything else

we see from, or a Genghis Khan

for that matter, which is what

happened actually. The Mongols

allied with disaffected Chinese

peasants against the

ruling dynasty

at the time.

So, you know,

this is the reality

so the securitization of the rural

population is something that was accomplished in two

moments of

history in the 20th century.

In the Russian Revolution,

after Stalin's

1928 first five-year plan

where the Soviet Union decided to embark

on the direction of the socialism in one country.

That's what it was about. of the socialism in one country. That's what it was about.

Building up socialism in one country meant consolidating socialism at the foundation of the national

element, which was the peasant, right? And then Mao, the example of Mao is just self-evident in terms of how it takes that logic to a further conclusion.

And every revolution in history really is, you know, is based on this logic, you know, of

securing the countryside.

So, what's interesting about the U.S. regime

is that it is the absolute

culmination of the bourgeoisie, you know,

the urban, cosmopolitan educated advanced technological consciousness

of the bourgeoisie it's the absolute culmination of that right it's the machine-like entity and

and um um form of domination and control and whatever it would have you.

But through the experience and the study of counter-guarillo,

and through the study and experience of counter-guerilla warfare, I should say, throughout the Cold War.

I think

that the U.S. deep state or deep state actors

in the ruling class understood

there was a niche in the U.S. countryside,

which there was.

And to prevent

left-wing forces,

future potential revolutionary forces,

from gaining a foothold there,

we have witnessed this kind of gradual process

of the Republican Party building up a base and a foundation there and through the monopolization of institutions, the building up of institutions, to give a voice to these people that otherwise wouldn't have a voice in the kind of, you know, and it's the subtleties of this are very interesting because, you know, for example, you have under FDR, you say, well, the New Deal Democrats, they started the elitism. It's like, well, no, Henry Wallace, for example, was a voice of the American farmer. The New Deal wasn't a one-sided dictatorship of the urban

intelligence. You had people like Henry Wallace. You had this kind of shake-up that was created,

which was agrarian and populistic. I mean, that was a part of the New Deal Coalition and the lineage

and the history at least. But this changes. You have a very, what's really kind of striking is this

extremely intentional, methodical, and engineered consciousness that was created in rural America, which is not spontaneous. People think, well, country folk, that's just their spontaneous consciousness. And it's like the readily available means of education that exist in rural America, whether we're talking about, you know, the school systems, or whether we're talking about the types of media that's tailored toward them, whether we're talking

about the kind of ideologies that proliferate from the churches and other kind of centers

of influence, the gun, the arms industry, and all this kind of stuff.

And also, let's not forget the pipeline of the U.S. military, which recruits from this place historically.

There's a monopoly on the means of consciousness that is just so intentionally and it's like the matrix it's intentionally engineered and designed to produce anti-communist pro-imperial consciousness

and you know you read um what's that book about how Kansas used to be a

communist stronghold? Like, this is what I'm talking about. This is not, this is not just a

mere consequence of morality that you're, oh, they're going to have these intensely backward

reactionary ideologies prevail.

This was designed and engineered in a very, very intentional way, right?

So you have an irony in U.S. politics where the so-called left gave up uh you know the the fight for

uh asymmetrical counter hegemonic politics the left stopped trying to create a foothold in the hinterlens where alternative forms of dual power would be possible. The left became an extension of the Democratic Party and was just a kind of cultivation and elaboration of the urban consciousness

the institutional consciousness so the you know the left wanted to develop out of

universities and it wants to cultivate that those kind of demographics you know

professional managerials,

artists,

you know,

city folk,

so to speak.

And then it's like,

it's so incredible because the,

also I forgot to mention the country music industry, which is another story, right?

But, you know, so the left is a hegemonic consciousness in America

or the leftist represent a hegemonic

consciousness is politically correct

it's aligned with the system

I mean historically I'm talking about

now things are interesting and changing it seems like

and the right wing has you know things are interesting and changing, it seems like.

And the right wing has, you know, hijacked and appropriated Mahoism in a lot of ways, right?

So, you know, this brings us to the culmination of what I think is the furthest you

could take, the most radical and furthest

you could take, leftist politics

in America,

which is Zoran Mamdani.

And Zoran Mamdani is winning

in New York City. New York City is the center, it's like one of the geographic centers of the hegemony within the USA. And then you look at the demographics of who supports Zoran and

it's not exactly

the working classes of New York

by and large

you have a strongly

represented element of

you know we call them the

bourgeoisie, the professional bourgeoisie, you know, the champagne, socialist, liberals, and so on.

And this is what's going on in NYC.

And it's a profound irony that this is where we're seeing quote unquote socialism.

Now, there's a lot of retard hipsters like Donald Parkinson, for example.

He will try to spin this as a repeat of, you know, the historical urban proletariat asserting itself politically.

So, for example, you know, the, the cafes of Paris in the 19th century or in London or something,

and he'll say, this is, you know, this has always been the base of socialism. century or in London or something.

And he'll say, this is, you know, this has always been the base of socialism.

It's always been these democratic socialists and these people who are running cover for Zohran and claiming this is a viable form of policy or sustainable form of politics, I should rather say.

And it's just a sad LARP from the 19th, attempting to repeat the 19th century and the 21st century within your imagination

and pretend like you're going through the motions of that and it's all happening again and it's really not. It's something completely different.

There is no basis among the proletariat for Zoran. Zoran is the epitome of what you would call a bourgeois socialist.

He's tapping into an absolutely bourgeois zeitgeist.

He's a trendy bourgeois kind of politician.

Among the bourgeois cultural elites of NYC he's the most popular you know and this is not even a moral claim this is just a description of objective fact

Zohran is the culmination of what is possible within the realm of bourgeois socialism.

And...

And... And what I want to say is that the consequences of Zoron are tragic to me and very sad because based on what I've already told you, what is actually going to happen?

Well, what's going to happen is that because there's such a severe disconnect

between the Democratic Party and its consolidated base and the base of the republican party throughout the country

zohron is going to be made the face he's going to be used as fuel to further the red versus blue

dialectic very effectively You show a bunch of

uneducated country

bumpkins, this Muslim communist

is taking over New York City

and it's going

to very tragically produce a

This is a tragedy

of leftist politics

in the U.S. by the way, because

leftists for over a decade have just

been volunteering themselves as ammunition

for furthering

the red versus blue kind of dialectic

of consolidation and control.

Because all it takes is the Republicans to shock, you know, the, let's call them the rural masses with something very foreign, unfamiliar and distant from them.

And it actually helps the Republicans.

You know, when Democratic centrists claim that, it's actually not entirely wrong.

It does help the Republicans.

And then the Democrats have to rein in the left.

And the Democrats do that pretty effectively

A because there is that profound

gap and disconnect

and then B because the Democrats

of course

have the means to

so this is an indulgence in excess of urban existence.

That's what Zonron is.

It's just an indulgence.

It's a kind of decadence of U.S. politics in one direction.

And again, there's no...

Now, how do you break this dialectic?

So, for example, if you're trying to

create a rule strategy for socialist

or left-wing politics in the U.S.,

how can you compete with the billions and hundreds of billions of dollars, the evangelical churches and the overall, you know, the billionaires, shadow billionaires that fund rural infrastructure? I mean, how do you compete with that?

Well, it's actually not a completely hopeless cause, but it does require a profound

degree of patience and discipline within the Marxist intelligentsia, as I'd like to call them. You have to articulate the various symbols and signs that, yes, did originate with, you know, Zionist elite billionaires

brainwashing people with a bunch of this shit.

And you have to understand it has a symbolic,

you know, unconscious significance, so to speak,

that is not simply superficially ideological,

and you have to be patient with that. You have to be patient

with people that, you know,

are waving the

you know, you should even steal some of the

symbolism. So for example, the don't tread on me flag,

the Betsy Ross flag, for example, the don't tread on me flag, the Betsy Ross flag, the various expressions of libertarian sentiment or whatever, you have to understand how these are tapping into a real material existence, and you have to kind of go to you have to wage a kind of asymmetric war within

the countryside against the hegemony but within the realm of consciousness and this is absolutely

possible it is absolutely possible. It is absolutely possible to wage war at this level. It is absolutely possible to more or less go toe to toe with forces that can outspend you by billions and billions of dollars.

It starts by building a foundation very small and slow and steady in the small towns and a direct type of contact between, you know, let's say party cadre and these type of ordinary common people, the masses.

You have to start out slow and you have to start out very patiently, but there is a kind of exponential factor or what do you call it a compounding factor if you can actually tap in to class

consciousness there it doesn't matter how much billions the hegemony spends and so on and so on

because the advantage that marists or Maoists or wherever

you want to call it have over the ruling hegemony is that they can actually correctly give

expression to the truth in ways that people find

compelling actually. So you can

win the war of consciousness

by actually being correct.

You know,

there are various

allowances the hegemony has to make to rule America, the Republican Party, I mean.

It has to make allowances for the populistic sentiment.

It has to make allowances for you know certain you know superficially anti-elite sentiments it has to make

allowances for you know the the realities of blue-collar workers.

It has to lower itself to their level and talk to them and try to be recognized with them, right?

And, you know, this is for them an allowance, but for us, we are actually articulating a very real contradiction.

And we could do it directly without having to kind of repackage it and again you go back to the time where communists had a stronghold in kansas and and these kind of places and think about even the term redneck why was it even where did it come from you know it came

from miners who had the the red bandanas around their necks or whatever right the red scarves

so um the biggest obstacle is the confusion created among the intelligentsia by the strategy of the, you know, the right wing, let's call them the right wing Maoists, so to speak.

That causes a lot of confusion and it causes a lot of metaphysical confusion and idealism, and it causes a lot of...

Wait a so...

So, so, so this is why, like, ACP, for example, my party will get labeled as right-wing and fascist and all this kind of stuff, because we're undoing, in a lot of ways, decades of the right-wing rule strategy by correctly articulating in many ways the consciousness, or let's say the material reality of the American hinterlens

and most leftists see that as inherently right wing

coded. They say, well, this is the right wing. Well, it's right wing coated

because the right wing has had a monopoly on these populations for decades.

And part of undoing that also means being patient with, you know, the various types of consciousness that have emerged there.

You know, I'm talking about the libertarian sentiment.

I'm talking about all sorts of different

you know i don't there's not a single example of being able to have a dialogue with working

class people if you're not able to be patient and tolerate them going on long, angry rants about whatever stupid thing they saw on Facebook.

Oh, Zoranamandani, he's a Muslim communist, he's ruining.

Let them talk. Let them get this off their chest.

And then once they do this, you can actually have interesting conversations.

But then what do leftists do?

They get reactive.

They get emotional.

They take it personally.

And then they feel ideologically insecure themselves.

And I think this opens a very interesting kind of post-cultural revolution

question for Marxist consciousness in the 21st century, which is our consciousness, you know, as communists.

Forget about pandering to people.

Forget about being patient.

We ourselves have to have a relationship to the tradition of communism and to Marxism and Marxism and Marxism, Leninism, that is not just superficially based in images and phrases and

slogans and words. We have to have an ability to perceive and be perceptive with respect, you know, let's say the deeper symbolic, unconscious

significance of our tradition, of the revolutionary tradition. And that absolutely does mean

a kind of wider historical metanarrative about what Marxism actually is.

Is Marxism a doctrine, an institutional doctrine from the 19th century, or does it reflect know, has, let's call it, metaphysical teeth

that is ancient, you know? Is it something bigger? Can we forgive non-overt and non-explicit manifestations of what happens to be the same underlying logic of a revolutionary consciousness, while of course being committed to clarifying and correcting it. But can we perceive and recognize the flame of a revolutionary sentiment and consciousness beyond the superficial images and slogans and phrases? That is absolutely necessary for having a correct internal consciousness you know um it's not

simply for the pragmatic case of winning overrule people you yourself need to have an

understanding of Marxism that is beyond the surface, that doesn't confuse appearance with essence.

And that's very important.

So Zoran will fail. And the tragedy, to get back to that, well, why we know he can fail is because we can anticipate what exactly will happen. The Republican Party will make Zoran the face of the Democratic Party, which is not a pleasant face to most Americans. And then some of us, well, it's just a matter of people knowing, you know, I'm treating this as a matter of good faith. Like, for example, if Zohran

stands for protecting the public sector and social welfare and whatever, it's like, well,

that's fine, but you have a huge bridge to gap with at least 50% of the country.

And if you don't bridge that gap, you're just adding fuel to the fire of the American Civil War II, which is inevitable anyway, for sure.

But you will

never win

within New York City

alone. It's going to be

very easy for consensus

to be built.

For example, if the Trump administration decides that they're going to unconstitutionally remove Zoran from power in New York City, they will have at least the consensus of 50% of the country, at least, which is not good.

And then all it takes, once you have that solid 50%, all it takes is to slowly corrode whatever strong world you thought you had in the urban

core either i think we saw that in 2024 where it wasn't just 50% voted for trump it was a

bigger margin than that right right, rather than Biden.

So the left will never have a reliable basis in the urban core.

It can have, it can succeed in some adventures for certain. It can have, it can, it can, uh, succeed in some adventures for certain.

It can succeed in some adventures within the urban core. It can, it can have protests and

marches. It can become popular within a university momentarily.

It can influence some policymaking.

It can get on a maybe get on the city council.

It can get mayor of New York City, which I think is the culmination of this.

But that is not a reliable, solid foundation.

You're just waiting to be... How do you consolidate?

That's the question.

How do you consolidate that into a victory in the long term what you can't

you can't um I mean, Trump might be unpopular.

That's true, but that doesn't mean Zoron is popular across the country.

That's your problem trump may be unpopular but zoron is also very unpopular and that's not because people are inherently hostile to zoron

per se he could have any views he wants. It's because a huge chunk of this country is just consolidated and brainwashed by, you know, one of the, one of the layers of the hegemony,

evangelical churches, military kind of ideology,

and so on and so on.

Republican Party itself.

Is the Civil War going to be countryside versus cities? cities I think in part

you're going to see that for sure.

Yeah, that's going to be a factor for sure

because, you know, it's not, yeah, I mean, that's going to be, that's going to be for certain.

One of the ways you're going to see that play out. I just, I don't know if it's going to be like military confrontations between cities and the countryside, but it's going to, you know, states that have more control over their, their, um, let's say you have a Democrat governor and they happen to have a good deal of a good grip on their state,

the whole state will, you know, be uniform, you could say, right?

But there's going to be security gaps, of course.

So that's kind of how you have to think of this and these things.

But Zoron, you have to be realistic, and the realism is that it might seem remarkable that he won in New York City.

But it doesn't impress me because I think that places like New York City already have a slant and a bias toward, let's call it, leftism, right? Liberal leftism. I would be much more impressed

if this could translate into some kind of more, if it was more of a miracle, like if you're taking a

Republican town, historically Republican town, and you have a, you know taking a republican town historically republican town and you have a you know a

leftist let's say win there even if that leftist happened to be part of that weird trotskyite cult

the rca i would still say hey that's impressive even if it was some like retarded left liberal i say hey that's impressive. Even if it was some, like, retarded left

liberal, I say, hey, that's impressive, you know.

But I don't see that.

I think that you take

a huge concentration of the

professional and cultural bourgeoisie

and say, well, guys, no worries, they're voting for of the professional and cultural bourgeoisie.

And he said, well, guys, no worries.

They're voting for the leftist.

Keep in mind something very sad.

Zoran is regarded as the most left-wing figure in the U.S. politics today.

So this is the best you're going to get is this extremely unsustainable

indulgence by the...

by New York City, right?

And it's going to just immediately collapse

and regress into the kind of... you know, the current trajectory of U.S. politics.

You think other big cities will have the zones? They could, but remember, it's an indulgence.

It's considered for now, it's a kind of bourgeois socialist indulgence and I'm not you know I don't want to I I don't resent Zoron I don't have an immediate bias against Zoron I'm not here to position myself as someone who, you know, has an ideological purity problem.

I'm just trying to describe this in the most realistic terms that I can actually, you know.

The real, the realism of the matter is that zoron is just not someone who can

represent a popular strata within this country

you have to think really like mao You have to think dialectically. Why is it that rule should be privileged over urban when you are, you know, talking about a political strategy? Because the state is almost identical and perfectly symmetrical with urbanity.

Urban existence is a type of existence premised upon intentional, institutional, you know, consciousness, you know.

That is, that has more proximity to the center of power, okay?

And reality is defined by the opposite of that.

Really, it is the definite opposite of that.

So cities, for example, don't have the ability to consolidate. They don't have the ability to consolidate.

And they don't have the ability to actually,

um,

you know,

um,

how should I say,

constitute themselves as a power in and of themselves.

To think like Mao means to understand that everything has its basis in an opposing and contrary tension.

And every state power is fundamentally going to be rooted in the opposing and contrary tension of its hinterlance, of its rule existence, right?

That is actually the decisive element that actually determines where the power lies. If you can hold that, then you have power. If you can have a basis in that, then you have power. If you don't have that, then you are, you might have a base within your immediate vicinity and proximity

which is urban existence, sure.

But the foundation

is at odds with you, right?

And it's only a matter of time before it

condemns you in some kind of way.

That the foundation of a given thing is its contrary and opposing opposite is a very basic dialectical insight.

So, for example, what is the foundation and basis of an idea?

A foundation and basis of an idea is its contrary and opposing material premises. It's material conditions, right?

So this is how you have to think Marxism. And then, okay, I say all of that, and I mentioned

dialectics in Mao, but I could also just tell you that a city can't feed itself.

So there you go.

New York City can't feed itself.

New York City can't draw up an army from within itself and defend itself.

Remember the tragedy of the Paris Commune and how Marx responded to that.

Marx basically said that for something like the Paris Commune to succeed,

the urban proletariat would have to make an alliance with the indebted French subsistence farmers for a real people's revolution on the continent, right?

And this was the missing – this is why the French state could draw up an army and crush it.

I mean, the Bolsheviks would have been crushed if there wasn't for Lenin's insistence upon the Democratic alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry. Had Trotsky gotten his way ultimately, and there was no such alliance, Bolsheviks would have never had a foothold within the countryside within the peasantry.

And throughout the course of the Civil War, what did we find was the decisive element in the Bolshevik victory?

Well, many of the peasants who were initially either ambivalent or either passively or actively lending their support to the white army, actually started defecting over to the Bolshevik side.

Now, had that not happened, the counter-revolution would have been successful, you know, in a way not dissimilar, let's say, to the Paris commune.

So you need to understand that this is the reality. I mean, you can't push politics left in any country if you are not somehow making inroads within

the real foundation of power, state power, you know.

So,

I don't foresee any timeline in which

Zoron is going to become a national phenomenon.

So to whatever extent people are thinking about Zoron,

you should just frankly think of him in terms of he will fail as a phenomena.

He's not going to push politics further left in this country.

He's going to push it further right.

He's absolutely going to push it further right he's going to create the pretext you know

yeah aOC pushed american politics much further to the right by the way, she absolutely did.

And Zohan will do the same thing. You know, you need to

just understand this realistically.

I'm not even, I'd love to be challenged on this, too, by the way, because

Zoron wins, because of this

indulgence, you know, this urban bourgeois indulgence.

We're going to have this new progressive type of, it's just like that movie, Megalopoulos, right?

We're going to have this bourgeois socialist indulgence.

And, okay, he wins.

Okay, well, then the overwhelming power of a unified federal government that could draw

upon a more or less more reliable base on the national element, the countryside, comes and crushes over on.

What is New York City going to do?

Hey, we're New York.

You can't just do that, Trump.

You can't just come and violate the Constitution and get rid of our mayor.

Why not?

Says who, you know?

Are New Yorkers going to wage a protracted people's war in urban guerrilla warfare against the federal government if something like that happens?

I don't think so. I don't think so. You know, who are you, who, who, who, what power will you appeal to to to prevent something like that from happening? What are you going to appeal to?

What's the plan?

I want to know DSA's plan.

I really do. Whenever cities have to be taught and learn just how much they depend upon the hinterlands that surrounds them, it's never good for them.

You know, it's never good for the urban dwellers, so to speak. Um, um,

the Okay, so someone was requesting, I'll bring them on, because I'd love to be challenged on this, or someone can just maybe, maybe explain why I'm wrong about this.

Fact.

Nobody. That's great well one request I really need a co-host because I can't see

whoever's requesting so let's bring on see if we can see if Zoomer can be a co-host.

I definitely need a co-host.

This is one request to speak, but I can't see who it is. Okay, dokey.

Okay, Zoomer maybe can't co-host.

Who can co-host?

Harold, can Harold co-host?

Let me see.

By the way, Elon Musk's X is so advanced, it's so profound, and not only does it not have

an urban X-Spaces function, sorry, not urban, a desktop X-spaces function.

It doesn't even allow the host

to see who's requesting

which is so brilliant

Harold when somebody requests

please bring them up

I guess at this point we're accepting anyone

so I want to talk about something else, which is a lot of people talking about Silwa.

Okay.

And I want to just shut this down right away and say that, no, Silwa is, of course, the more reactionary candidate.

It doesn't matter how much you like his aesthetics. Doesn't matter how much you like his aesthetics.

It doesn't matter how much you like his rhetoric.

Doesn't matter how much you like his sentiments and his sensibilities,

which, okay, of course, are better than Zoron's.

His character, you know, his personality as a type of, I guess, like his sentiments.

Of course, Curtis Silva is more likable, but what kind of politics does he actually represent?

And that's what you have to really consider here.

You know, Zoran, for all his faults, this fault that I would call him a bourgeois indulgence,

he does have or does represent a pretty radical politics, at least with respect to

nominally or

you know,

superficially criticizing Israel.

And there are

some pretty powerful entrencheded interests

who don't want him...

I mean, when I say Zoron is a bourgeois

indulgence, let me just be honest, or sorry, not honest, let me be clear. I'm not saying

Zoran is the preferred candidate among, you know, the billionaire class.

I'm saying that the rule of the billionaire class has corresponded to the rise of a bourgeois consciousness,

bourgeois civilization, bourgeois society, cultural bourgeoisie, right?

And as a consequence of that,

the decadence of that,

it has turned into a type of insanity in some sense,

which,

which yes, has risen in revolt against the billionaire class in many respects.

But it has done so as a kind of, in the same way that the children of the billionaires will rebel against their parents because their parents aren't giving them enough allowances.

You see?

So yes, there's a conflict of interest there for sure, but it's a conflict of an

that is a result of an

indulgence in some

sense, you know?

It's like the children

of the bourgeoisie

want more

from their parents

and their're they're they're inadvertently advocating for things which

would be very harmful for the entire family business not realizing that they're premise you know

this is what I'm talking about

if there was an actual Maoist

left-wing revolution in this country

the same people that are coming out

for Zoran a lot of the same people

I should say the more kind of elite

posh, hipsters, whatever, they would be,

you know, the Muscadine, they would be at the vanguard of the counter-revolution, for sure.

They would not be on the side of a true Maoist revolution in this country. They would be firmly with the counter-revolution,

for sure, for certain. So transplant your average New York leftist, left liberal, DSA member

to the October revolution of 1917. These people would be in the cadet party okay

that's where they would be they would be literally they would be in the forefront of the

white army and the counter revolution if you read john reeds ten days that shook the world

you see encounters like

you know, some peasant

sailors and soldiers are blocking a road

and these bourgeois sniveling

intelligentsia will come up

to them and they'll

protest and they'll yell and say, what's going on?

What authorities do you have?

And these kind of, quote unquote, these dumb peasants will be reading them the scripture of Marxism saying, well, you know, there's a proletariat in the bourgeoisie.

And the intelligentsia were in the book,

they're yelling, they're like, why are you talking to theory me right now?

This is, I don't need to hear your dumb, stupid.

See, these poor peasants were learning theory for the first time in their life, you know?

So they were repeating that, what they had just learned, and the acculturated intelligentsia

was so outraged, you know.

This is an example of a kind of encounter.

It's just, how do you think these sniveling, arrogant New York City, intelligentsia,

you know, bourgeois elitists would actually react if there was a real, you know,

communist revolution in this country?

They would not be for the communist.

They would not be for the revolution. They would be the same as these people described in 10 days that shook the world who were, they were just, there's something about the politics of resentment where somebody that you thought was below you and less educated than you are and more stupid than you are starts to have power over you there's something about like the resentment factor where it creates such a seething visceral hatred

and that is very very much manifest among these new you know it's literally coastal elites of course

that's what it is this is why they got the whole Trump thing wrong.

And, you know, they have the same derisionary, belittling, you know, mocking attitude toward Maga Communism.

You know, the primary attitude toward Maga Communism is not people getting offended or, you know, shocked or or

upset. It is this, it was at least in 2022 when I first, when it first became like a thing. The thing I

noticed the most was like the mockery.

It was like the belittling.

Oh, you know, these dumb, stupid people are going to be communists.

They don't have a Harvard degree like I do.

What do they know about Marxism?

And that was the default response. It was a kind of mockery, you know.

So that is their default attitude. Now, these educated segments of society orient more toward the left liberal, and Zoron has done a good job in becoming their champion.

So here's what I think could be potential positives from the zohran momdani failure which he will

fail he may win the mayor mayoral race um i'm not denying that he has a strong likelihood of that.

I've heard people say he might lose.

I don't know anything about that.

I mean, I don't know.

I'm not closing the door.

I'm saying I literally don't know.

But let's assume he wins.

Like, what could be some of the positive outcomes from this failure?

Well, I think that if left liberals who earnestly vote for Zohran on principle,

regardless of their bourgeois attitudes and so on,

if they realize their powerlessness you know if

trump intervenes or something something happens that or he sells out and i don't know the hope is that it

will provoke them to rethink their strategy.

Hopefully they start to take rural strategy more seriously.

Hopefully it encourages this new generation of kind of, you know, left, let's call them leftist militants,

down to the countryside movement. You know, they get serious about building a real national

base for politics in this country.

And, you know, maybe they join us.

They may they join ACP in doing this.

Or, you know, I'm not going to sit here and pretend like I have confidence.

They could do something better than we are.

You know, they don't.

They don't have the intelligence. They don't they don't. They don't have the intelligence.

They don't have the ability.

They don't have the resolve.

So, yeah, they would probably just join us, to be honest.

I could be, I could lie and be like, well, you know, maybe if they could do it better than us, I'll support them.

They're not going to do it better than us, okay? They can't. Because it's not easy to do, you know,

and we're not extraordinarily incompetent or ridiculous. We're pretty normal people and I doubt that the Harvard educated and Ivy League

educated, you know, city folk are going to humble themselves to the extent our cadre

do with the same degree of patience and going down to the country, you know.

So that's just how I look at it.

And the positives are people are going to have to realize from the failure that you can't change, you can't push politics in any direction from New York City.

Put it this way. Okay, I want to I want to put it into perspective. AOC is a member of the national federal government, okay?

She's in congress what can zoron do that aOC

didn't is there anyone who sincerely believes by the the way, he can be successful?

He's going to, like, make New York City better and he's going to improve the... That's not within his control.

Zoran cannot address the root causes of systemic dysfunction and the brutality of American capitalism.

He can't address that from New York City.

So why don't you just think about it?

He's going to preside over New York City and be the face of...

I mean, this would be very bad, actually, because he's going to be the fall guy for...

Maybe there'll be a new Luigi who assassinate him, because he'll become the face of the out-of-touch bourgeoisie who is who cannot

address the root causes of the the grievances of the working class and you know you see that in

silwa okay there's a lot of people that support Silwa who feel that way.

I'm not saying Silwa is better, okay?

I think it's a mistake to say he's better.

But he does represent that there's a disconnect here with Zoron, you know, Zoran Mamdani.

Um... with Zoron, you know, Zoron Mamdani. So that's my appraisal of the Zoron thing.

Nobody joined the space to challenge it today, so that's sad.

That's very sad.

I was very calm today, too.

It's so incredible.

But calm is boring, right? they're tapping into twos anti-muslim rhetoric

yeah i've been trying i'm in meaning to make a post about the the muslim thing

the muslim angle

which is interesting to me.

I guess I'll talk about it here.

Why not?

I think that Muslims are more interesting now

to Western consciousness than Jews.

I think that Jews are boring for as the subject of modernity, and now it's Muslims.

And, you know, I remember reading something about Jews and after the Holocaust or after the experience in the 30s in Germany. I don't remember exactly which one.

Dan, what's up? I appreciate you, right?

Well, you know, many Jews in Europe had a very ambivalent status for Jewish identity.

They had a very indifferent status.

They were pretty assimilated.

They were secularized.

They weren't particularly religious.

And they had no special feeling or connection

to their Jewishness. You know, they were just like, well, I'm a German or I'm a Frenchman. I mean,

I'm a Britishman. Like at that point, they were just pretty distant from their Jewish identity

altogether. They were, you could say they were successfully assimilated,

right? It was true for many Jews in Europe. But then the anti-Semitism in the 30s within Germany,

I don't remember the exact quote.

I remember reading a Jewish author who said this.

It said something along the lines of, you know, this cemented.

It created like an irreversible, unforgettable stamp of Jewishness.

And I will never forget that I'm a Jew now.

You know?

It very much consolidated Jewish identity, made the reality of a Jewish identity clear.

And it totally shaped the post-war

American Jewish identity as well.

Secular or religious doesn't matter.

And I look at Muslims who immigrated to America,

Zoran or Hassan Piker or,

you know, even me to an extent and we're not particularly

religious i mean i would say some i think hasan was an atheist i don't know i'm not i'm not

going to say that like as a in a derogatory way. I don't know. Pretty secular, though. Zoran is pretty secular from my estimation. He doesn't strike me as a religious Muslim, and I'm not particularly religious. But the fact that Zoran is being made the object of a vilification in this way that it's a

Muslim thing, it's a Muslim threat, he's a terrorist, he's going to bring Sharia law,

and the same is true actually for Hassan Piker. If you look at, you know, when

Pikers allegedly shocked his dog, people made this about his Muslim identity. They said,

well, this is how the Muslims feel about dogs, right? So the signal this is sending, the message it's sending is that religious

belief is irrelevant as far as Muslimness, that there's going to be this new Muslim identity

that emerges probably that is unrelated to religion and more related to, well, the same thing that kind of glued together the Jewish identity. It's not related to religion. It's this more ambiguous alienation from western civilization the southerness and i think that's

going to take root in a big way among american muslims after zoron you know basically i think

muslims are going to be the new jews and um that's what i see happening

uh because zoran is not a religious muslim by any means but he's got a muslim name and he's got

that background and that suffices.

And there is a type of alienation that Muslims have toward America.

That is, it's not related to their belief.

It's not related to their cultural habits.

You can be fully assimilated.

You can be just like any other American and be fully assimilated, but there is this distance.

And I'm interested in how that develops.

What is that distance?

How does it develop?

What form does that take? I find it interesting, you know? So, yeah, I don't know. I find that interesting i think that uh why why is there such a pathological

hostility toward islam in america wade what's up and i think that well because there's a deep proximity, because America has a repressed Muslim nature, I think. America fears Islam because America is Islam.

Isn't that a crazy fucking pill, right?

I can elaborate on that, but let's bring Mr. Apocalypse.

Mr. Apocalypse, what's going on?

America absolutely outclasses Europe when it comes to the Muslim anti-Muslim sentiment.

A lot of it comes from America, actually,

and it's imported into Europe from America.

So this person I brought them on,

I don't know what's going on with them.

Can't hear them.

I think that, look, I hate to say this, because, you know, I come from a Muslim background.

I have a Muslim name, and very intentionally so. But the way in which America is

losing its mind about Islam and Muslims anticipates the complete and total victory of Islam within America.

Maybe not like the conventional Islam, but a type of Islam that will prevail in this land.

I don't know what kind, but America is too fascinated and interested in Islam to simply want it to be gone.

It's admitting that there's something about Islam that bothers it and it is unable to noetically assimilate and make sense of.

And therefore, America has decided to enter into a dialectical

relationship with Islam that is not too different from, you know, the relationship between the

Mongols and China or, you know, any other kind of supposedly completely contrary and opposing force.

Yeah, America wants to dance with Islam, and it will. And it has been wanting to do this for a long time.

I find it funny.

I mean, people point out the irony that 9-11 happened, and now it's a Muslim mayor.

And you're right.

America wanted to dance with Islam after, let's say,

1979 in Iran, and then it gradually, and then 9-11,

America became fascinated with Islam,

America wants to dance with Islam,

America wants some kind of confrontation and an encounter with Islam.

And this is creating a type of ironic synergy where now there might be a mayor of New York City who's Muslim.

And who can you blame?

You can't blame a an invader Islam.

You have to blame or you have to recognize this was just what America wanted itself.

America got entangled with Islam by itself.

It wanted to do this you know the crusader the neo crusaderism is a pathetic

cope because America is not a Catholic country and even if was, you're ignoring a lot of interesting parts of European history.

For example, the Franco-Othominance.

America is certainly not a Habsburg land.

It's not a Habsburg land. It's not a Habsburg country.

I actually don't know why I'm up here okay so i have nothing i have nothing to add okay well you request it to speak so that's why you're up here but yeah talk about reconquista.

Um I'm actually still studying that.

To be honest, I'm still studying it. I think for America, Islam represents just this ruthlessly autonomous principle of collective existence.

That it's like the logic of a horde.

You know, there's a reason mass migration is associated with Islam in America as well.

It's like Islam is like this logos of a wild horde that is ruthlessly autonomous and by autonomous I mean it doesn't obey

the it doesn't obey the the the the um the so-called rational senses.

It is autonomous.

As Peter Griffin said in Family Guy,

it insists upon itself, you know.

And I think that is terror for today's American consciousness because we don't want to be confronted with the material logic of our collective existence.

We want to go on with the illusion that we're all just individuals who accidentally happen to be in proximity with each other.

That our way of life, our patterns of life, don't obey a pattern.

It doesn't obey a logic.

It doesn't obey any deeper.

There's not this, like, alien thing that is compelling our individual choices to conform

to a certain pattern that is societal and scale.

And we are terrified of something like that because that is, well, that is the alien,

that is the very thing we're alienated from, you know, as a so-called

individualistic society. As I said, we're not an individualistic society. We're just alienated

from our collective existence. And the way this alienation today appears to us is in the form of Islam.

Islam appears to us as the alien, alien existence of our own collective reality, you know? And we don't trust this reality we think it means

us harm we think it's going to take us down a vortex of of uh suffering and pain and cruelty and so on

we deserve the is Islam we get.

That's all I can say, you know.

And we say, well, Haz, what does it have to do with Islam?

Well, you have to, that's why I'm saying. It's interesting because it has nothing to do with

religious doctrine. It has nothing to do with Islam as an actual religion. Because Zoran's not

religious. Zoran is not like a believing, devout Muslim. So there's clearly something else going on

here in terms of the, you know, the Muslim angle, so to speak. There's a fascination with Islam that goes far beyond confessional Islamic faith. So that's why I'm talking about it in these abstract terms because well clearly

Zoron's not like an actual Islamist and my favorite thing is the idea that he actually is

secretly and he's doing Takea and it opens up an interesting conversation taking to Kia. And it

opens up an interesting

conversation about, you know,

the real

interest that compel politics

versus the overt.

You know, Zoron is a politician.

So whenever our politicians are being politicians and promising us shit and telling us shit,

there's this more like alien force that's compelling them and pulling their strings.

And typically that used to be anti-semitism so when the spd in germany in the 30s would be engaging in zoron like rhetoric let's say the nazis would say behind

this rhetoric is the jew, the Jew rubbing their hands together. You know, this conniving. You know that Jewish meme, the merchant meme? That was it. That was the thing compelling this superficial rhetoric of the politician.

But instead of a Jew, we have something more terrifying with Islam. We have an autonomous kind of collective hive mind that is beyond the concreteness and tangibility of individual self-interest. Why it is that

anti-Semitism cannot take root in America is because the merchant is us. We are the we love the

merchant. The merchant is relatable. We're the mer. We love the merchant.

The merchant is relatable.

We're merchants, too.

We're all that.

The conniving, cunning Jewish merchant.

I mean, well, we're all like that, right?

Because we're all individuals.

But the Islamic, the shadow of Islam is much more terrifying than the Jewish happy merchant.

The shadow of Islam is this autonomous collective logic that is just as alienating and just as foreign, but you can't put a face on it.

It's this shadow.

You know? It's like a, yeah, it's like the veiled woman, you know?

So that's my commentary. That's my interesting commentary. You're welcome, everyone. I'm ending the space.

Thanks for everyone who disagrees with me. Not saying. you're welcome everyone I'm ending the space thanks for

everyone who disagrees with me

not saying anything

all right

I'm ending that space

all right guys

I think we're ready to wrap the stream up.

I'll see you guys Sunday, and we'll have a more exciting stream on Sunday.

And that's that, you know.

I'll see y'all.

I see y'all.

I hope you guys enjoyed the stream. It was a great stream, guys.

I hope everyone had fun.

Great stream.

Goodbye, everyone.

Oh, it's Halloween.

And what a great

Halloween stream, because I'm talking about

Islam and how scary it is.

So for Halloween, I'm

Hazaldeen. You know, that's my costume.

A scary guy.

A scary Muslim.

I love when people

were like, oh, Haas, how was

a guy named Hazaldine

going to appeal to Americans?

And I'm like, you're so smart. You know, like,

Hazaldine isn't actually my name.

You know, I could have chosen any name I wanted.

I could have chosen John Whitington.

I could have chosen any.

I could have chosen Jackson Hinkle.

And I think I pass enough to be some kind of ambiguous whops breed of white probably could pass and i said no i said no i'll be hazaldine so i know what i'm doing okay anyway guys um i could be some

strange polish car dealer or something anyway guys uh i'll see you guys um i'll see you guys

sunday okay bye bye I'll see you guys Sunday, okay?

Bye-bye.

This was a big brain screen.

Bye-bye.