What Infrared is All About

2020-09-23
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what's up everybody
um so we're here this is not going to be
a traditional episode
instead we want to use this as an
opportunity to give an idea of where we
as the infrared collective are coming
from because we kind of just came out of
the blue
we've been getting a lot of emails and
shit of people just asking us like
where are you even coming from like what
is this even about right what's your
position our political positions we
thought we'd
take this time to as an opportunity to
distinguish ourselves
why we got beef with the current left
and
why we have problems with so-called
prevailing marxism
now for starters in broad terms we
identify as marxist leninists
we uh but we also think that there's a
big distinction between
um marxism leninism as it's
translated into the west and marxism
leninism as an
index of historical experience in russia
china and etc
um so i think we want to take this as an
opportunity to kind of
uh expand upon what we consider those
crucial differences to be and why we
think a new approach
for westerners is necessary
in order to catch up
with the experiences of
marxist leninist practice
globally most of the topics that are
within the scope
of our analysis and our concern and
especially the angles that we're coming
from and analyzing them
don't really fall within the horizon of
what is traditionally called
marxist-leninist analysis or
theory as it exists in the west but i
think
uh a few things are in need of
clarification
on this point one is the question
what is marxist leninist theory
um and we'll use the example of
uh the big ones russia and china right
and why this is a problem translating
this over into the west
and why it gives uh rise to mediocrity
laziness and um sterility and
uh an inability to really tap into any
type of popular sense whatsoever in the
west
so uh i think the best example is china
uh as far as this is concerned because
on the
russia with the entanglement with the
whole history of
western social democracy and stuff like
that is a little bit more complicated
so in the case of china um
the question of what is marxist lenin's
theory uh
is only a kind of a practical question
in a sense
the raw material or the substance
whatever you want
to which this theory is being applied
is something that a person in china can
take for granted
so what is this basis it's the chinese
national or even civilizational
whatever you want to call it sense
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when he speaks of uh the need
to apply marxism to chinese conditions
um
he is able to take for granted his
acute understanding of the chinese
situation
which may may as well be shared by all
uh chinese people more or less
then marxism mennonism is not a question
of um
legislating uh
your sense from zero but clarifying it
this is why in the east uh marxism
leninism
takes such an apparently limited uh
scope it's all very basic it's all very
simple
simplified i mean when it's recorded the
problem is that westerners see this
and they they um they do this kind of
cartesian reduction where they think
that uh that's all it is and that this
is
this can replace reality itself but in
china or in russia or wherever you want
they're taking a reality and a sense in
relation to that reality
for granted and this is what
we consider the infrared collective we
consider to be missing in
the west so why we're called infrared is
because
we're trying to tap into this
sense which is not on the visible
spectrum of light
it's not on the surface you have to have
a deeper sense
yeah so what basically distinguishes our
position with
china and russia and the other former or
current
uh you know communist states is that
marxism leninism or socialism acquired
an objectivity
that is it was already a ground which
people could take for granted like you
said that people stood on before they
could think
and what theory's job was was to clarify
uh practical questions so in china it
was the war for national liberation
right
to resist imperialist aggression in
russia it took the form
not only of this but also of of catching
up with the west of industrializing
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or even returning to the being of uh its
uh
to the being of the state right to the
peasantry through the russianization
yeah yeah to the russian people but in
the west this is missing what's
instead taken place
of this kind of sense which again it's
sense because
although uh it can be clarified by
thinking by
thoughts it's something that does pr
that
precedes it and which gives thought
direction
you know it's a practical question in
other words leftists here they kind of
begin
x nylo they begin without this sense
they begin with
uh thoughts to then arrive at
a more beautiful form of it but they
don't engage this with uh
with objective with it with the
objectivity that precedes them
you know what i mean with what they're
already dealing with
yeah they substitute the sense
with the forms of thought they think
something called marxist leninist theory
which is very
um laid out in a very simple and
concrete way in if you read the
the classics that are available from the
experiences russia and china and so on
they think that's a substitute for the
sense when really that's meant to
clarify some kind of already existing
sense
that's why um in the west marxist
londoners just appear psychotic
they're cults or they're just really
enclosed
they don't have a sense of a wider
reality that
the people they're taking inspiration
from are able to kind of
have already and i think at the same
time i mean this is
although it becomes explicit and
objective
uh in the form of a national economy or
culturally in china and russia
um this is already even apparent in marx
i mean it's not as if this doesn't have
a
precedence in uh marx and engels and uh
you know in marxist before 1917 because
what is marx doing right he's clarifying
you know in his later work especially
with you know with gotha
he is uh he is critiquing prevailing
social circles for a lack of what we
call objective
sense right for uh
um for a lack of
stake in existing existing reality
yeah i mean going back to marx i think
there's a deep
philosophical or you know it's really
tough to
say philosophical post philosophical
whatever you want but
there's an element to this that goes
very deep in marks um
his break with not simply hegel but more
specifically the young hegelians
and then foyerbach and so on and so on
um can be condensed in this critique of
the reign of pure form or pure
abstraction
that occludes uh almost uh
in a way that others of the kojima point
out is similar to heidegger
uh that occludes that aspect of reality
that cannot be pre-emptively
assimilated into any consistent
form or idea or thought
so for marx material reality is
something it's similar to the object of
what is
what we're talking about is the sense
that is able to exist in
outside of the west yeah yeah it's why
he
it's why he talks about submitting to
to uh two laws you know he calls laws
but
submitting to to to objectivity right
instead of being with this kind of
cartesian
uh uh subsumption of all reality to
you know to form but you know the
problem with
western leftists and this is where we
really take our point of departure
is that there's something terrifying
about this uh
this insight the reason it's terrifying
is because it shows you you cannot
pre-emptively be safe or comfortable in
any type of position
there's no such thing as marxist
leninist theory that you're going to
able to
take refuge from at the expense of
reality
you have to immerse yourself in the
whole wealth of reality even the things
that are uh
not uh hello apparently
halal or whatever um in order to prove
the actual meaning of uh
and practical significance of marxism
feminism which is not to create
in a separate reality away from the real
one
but to help clarify and decide exactly
i i think that's a good way of putting
it because the
the function of marxism and especially i
think uh
self-proclaimed marxist limits in the
united states no tankies or whatever
so-called tankies is that um see we're
the real tankies they're the
the idolaters but um but uh is that
for them marxism is like um it's
it's a way to escape reality to fall
into like a safe
cozy kind of doctrine to which you can
always retreat into
that's why they're obsessed with this
purely because aesthetic has a real deep
meaning right
that is a part of objective sense but
they retreat into a purely detached
aesthetic from china's soviet union
you know with like this uh obsession
with like music or tanks or whatever um
that's detached from the actual uh
objectivity to to the to the
particularity of those
of of those phenomena you know what i
mean it's like it for them
is a haven from rio again themselves it
was
embedded in reality again what they do
is something really perverted
is that they again they accomplish this
kind of cartesian reduction of what's on
the surface
in china or in russia or wherever else
in the world and they think
that's it that's the way in which i have
access to the objective essence
of this phenomenon is simply identifying
with the superficial appearance
what they don't understand is that
underlying this appearance is a deeper
sense
of the objective that's where this
that's where the dogmatism comes from
the staticness of the thought of the
west
is because it's not connected even
during the heyday of china's cultural
revolution
the level of obscene dogmatism that
prevailed among western maoists
this stuff is not the stuff that can
keep states together
it's not the stuff that um that is
possible
to be in power anywhere i mean the
thought of
western leftists western marxist
leninist
being the equivalent in the west of
russian marxist leninist or chinese
marxist leninist and so on and so on
it's absurd there's no equivalence
whatsoever these are completely
different types of human beings
uh different types of humanity i mean
it's a purely reflexive phenomenon in
the west but
in all of in africa latin america
wherever you go
that there are boxes leninists these are
people who have a profound and deep
national whatever you want to call it
sense of their own people
and this almost in a sense it comes
first marxism leninism is just helping
them
clarify this reality where it appears
where there uh the appearance of
contradiction inevitably makes itself
um well apparent
you know facing contradictions is an
inevitability
for humanity in general so
that's why though so many western
marxists
or or socialists are confused by
china and russia and they decry these
uh communist parties is you know
nationalists you know you've given way
to nationalism or whatever
but they don't get it they don't get
that the point of marxism was to clarify
what
you know whatever they want to call
naturally but to clarify national
reality
that already exists that you can't
legislate away in thought it's like this
the way i would respond to it is that
maybe there are
so there is something arbitrary about
borders that exist in some countries
they're not necessary
but there is something objective about
nations
there is there's an objectivity to
nationhood
um and that objectivity may not
that may go beyond the bounds of what is
traditionally considered a nation is
china or russia a nation i don't think
they are
russia is a multinational civilization
and so is china
but nonetheless these are delegating or
referring to
real objective realities that are not
reducible
to some kind of identity they
and then people you know they they prod
and they what do you mean
well we don't want to go too far but
this is where psychoanalysis and all
that kind of stuff comes in this is
where um
this question of what is the unconscious
and then going off of that what does
even
the objective mean right what do we mean
by the objective
is the objective something that is only
a relation uh
to um a kind of cartesian
subject not not so well if this is the
subject of the khan
right lakon said his subject is the
cartesian subject
is like in what sense is the even phrase
objectivity meaningful right
if not as the limit to
a limit for the symptom of the subject
so and so on
but then you can also um critique this
as subjectivist and idealist and so on
and so on
uh it's i'm kind of gonna ramble get off
you can go the opposite angle and say um
not necessarily because you can also say
there are
symptoms in nature itself not just
symptoms for the subject
this would be where lacan and heidegger
are
conjoined i think now you'll notice you
know we're kind of a little bit going
into territory we're dropping names high
to gorilla khan and stuff
but this also raises an important point
which is that
um interestingly and in a way that makes
perfect
should if you really are someone who
talks about dialect if you understand
dialect this should make perfect sense
uh this irony um
in the west the manner by which marxism
leninism has been translated
was never you've never been able to come
close
with people who simply just call
themselves marxist-leninists in the west
um and identify as such
now i'll say there's exceptions in terms
of practical organizations like the
panthers the black panthers
but they didn't their organization was
not founded upon being marxist leninist
the organization was founded upon the
black community and marxism leninism had
a practical significance in relation to
this pressing
reality and history and so on and so on
uh
maybe there's other exceptions in the
west similar to that that follow that
but beyond that um it's really through
uh theory what we maybe call
theory or i don't like calling it
philosophy i don't i think it's maybe
beyond philosophy
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specifically i think this is a position
we all share
is it's been through heidegger that
something like marxism leninism can be
smuggled
into the western way of thinking and
made
legible and intelligible to the western
mind
is through heidegger because why because
through heidegger you then have kojir
kojiba is a very um
susan if i'm saying that right
example of how the depth and wealth of
marxism leninism
is able to am i saying it's right kojiev
i think it i thought it was code jeff
but i don't know i'm such a fucking
idiot man
it doesn't matter it's not worth uh
whatever um
uh sorry well he's a very simple example
of how
you can just when you read someone like
kojev right
you get the sense that you're only on
the tip of the iceberg
and then real marxism leninism like
what's going on in the soviet union
acquires
this transcendent uh reality which means
you don't think it's something that's
reducible to the superficial
forms it's a very deep reality that
can only be um perceived in some way or
sensed somehow through this kind of very
um uh
this very uh intense heavy kind of
theory that goes again deep you know
you need something very complicated to
arrive at what is simple in reality
but you will never appreciate what is
simple in reality which is the
experience of
marxism leninism through a simple
uh analysis
if that makes sense well but it's not
just kojiv and then you have um
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but i it's kind of who surprisingly i
am more familiar with than kojev but
these
some similarities between what's going
on in batai
and um specifically marxism leninism
at the time of battal's heyday the 50s
in the soviet union are striking
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it's never an explicit rendering of the
theory but it's more
a manifestation almost symptomally if
you want
of um accidentally of
what the consequences of this are for
thinking
and obviously bataille goes down a route
that is
very peculiar to him the tragedy and
loss
and he's kind of
uh he want to put it in simple terms
it's kind of negative shit
you know but um
but this is only where the west is able
to encounter and appreciate the depth
and wealth of
uh what we call marxism leninism is
through these very strange
eclectic and bizarre thinkers
who have ultimately drawn from heidegger
uh this i mean it goes to the end i mean
if
if you are a sophisticated maoist
in the west you're probably a follower
of bed you
that you is someone who tells you that
you can be a maoist without being
cringed
you can be a maoist without um larping
right you can have an appreciation
there's a deeper reality
besides this kind of clowning shit
and badu comes his lineage again traces
the hydrograph
so um if we
if i mean i personally if you call me
heideggerian i don't think i'd have a
problem
but i don't identify this way because i
think it's superfluous i just think
heidegger is unlocking something that
others can take for granted
in a way
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you know speaking of uh badou
what i found interesting about uh
badou and also like um what we're
talking about in relation to like deeper
sense and objectivity
is that what would do you kind of see
the way that
um a culture relates to this uh
deeper sense because you know if you
follow like a political commitment
through to its final end
or an aesthetic commitment due to its
final end or even a scientific
commitment you know fully through
what you're going to end up doing is
inheriting the full like
legacy in history of um
their culture and so there's kind of
like this um
unity almost between uh just like the
common intuition of the people
and then the highest uh you know
achievements
of culture and that's
um also uh i think
this essential thing that we've hit upon
the uh
separation that western leftists have
from
um you know this deeper objectivity it
results in a lot of
auxiliary uh problems
related to um history
nationhood and so on so for example when
speaking of history a lot of uh
western leftists will kind of take a
position of rejecting tradition
rejecting
uh almost literally rejecting and
canceling history but like even if
they're more moderate
they tend to you know tend towards you
know word for progress
we're going to reject the old ways and
so on
but in in doing this um
i think they kind of missed the point
because the entire point of
something new is that it renews and
rejuvenates
what was meaningful about the old
traditions
and customs and so they concede
tradition and custom
to conservatives when in reality the
position should be you know
we are like truly inheriting you know
what the essence
of our culture and our traditions are
and
you can kind of see that's kind of what
happened
in relation to china and the ussr
because
you know china did not simply you know
copy the ussr or try to like impose the
you know soviet system unto themselves
what they did is they dug deeper
into their own uh national realities
and their own culture and and like their
kind of cultural and political economy
played a really big role in production
of
you know chinese style socialism yeah
they try and liquidate
their own um i'm sorry
oh no you continue i was gonna say that
um i think that's really well put like
they try and liquidate their own
um their own objectivity right their own
the very ground they stand up they don't
see that marxism is a way to clarify
this ground itself to articulate it
right like they try and liquidate their
own being their own existence
and they take refuge from this in the
kind of cozy
uh if you want uh i don't want to call
it theoretical because it's really not
but in this kind of you know
uh theoretical position right that's
divorced from their own
existence their own being you know it's
really
interesting that you mentioned the
national and
uh and these kinds of aspects you guys
are talking about
because in the west
i think i said this before but it's a
really good way of summing it up
the thing that distinguishes it most
from the experience of people in
the east is that in the west uh marxism
leninism is a kind of political satanism
or communism you don't have democracy it
can be anything it's just the type of
satanism
right it's just a type of infantile
rebelling against your surroundings and
your parents
and every success of china
they see as um
they see as negative they don't see any
positive they only see as negative
but from the perspective of
um their own authorities and their
parents and their
society and so on in other words when
china is marching on with its
great successes they only see this as a
wound
to their uh people their own people
instead of seeing it as a success for
the chinese people
they don't understand that
marxism leninism uh only corresponds to
that sense
which is bounded up with uh
maybe i'll speak cringe and i say this
love for the people right
but it's it's just that isn't it uh
and it doesn't matter how wicked or how
much evil there is among them and so on
it's ultimately based
in that even your own people it's not
based in uh
resentment it's not based in negativity
it's not based in um
like this kind of satanic fuck the world
and fuck everything
maybe that's kind of anarchism where
they're coming from
it is but i think that's why they kind
of pull from the same crowds
you know what i mean they really it's
like they look in the same way i mean
satanism is still christian it's just
rebellious
edgy christianity it's only it's only
satanic because it's in the eyes of
a religious person the same thing with
with like western you know so-called
marx linus they're still
liberals or whatever they're just doing
it to be edgy that's what it
makes uh western marxist so-called
marxist lenin is
western the thing that makes them
western is not that they're too
much um explicitly western
obviously they're not explicitly
pro-western but the very intense
negation
they attempt to pose to the west to the
countries that they live in
um as a whole
is still bounded up if you only are in
the negation of something you're still
entangled only with it that's what makes
you
that something you're a westerner
because you're
pretending to i mean but that's the
whole history of the west the whole
history of the west is pretending to
negate itself right yeah
and then arrive at a kind of universal
position
no particularity but the whole point of
marx was to clarify what is particular
you know who is more western uh
who is more american uh
liberals uh the the woman in the car we
saw recently were talking about
the fascist are you gonna vote for a
fucking fascist that's how she said it
or trump she's more american trump is
less american trump is
uh a north korean or something
i'm not gonna insult north koreans but
you get my point he's
he's coming from some foreign place
trump right everyone sees that
and yet he's the one waving the american
flag not them
so uh and one of our clips on our
channel is like being a moderate isn't
and maybe people are how are these guys
marxist leninist their mouths
how are they you know what are they
talking about bernie sanders the
the suck dem really fucking say on
reddit
suck them shut up but um
this goes to another point is you have
to analyze the conditions by which
people in the west especially today
become identified with this radical
stuff and including this identity of
being a marxist leninist
what brings them to identify with it and
so on and so on
um alongside what i said about this
satanic negation kind of thing
it's also as a matter of this extension
of the petty and narrow political
divisions
that may exist in america specifically
after trump was elected you had a lot of
people who were
radicalized aka they were liberals who
were mad
this is how they became marxist leninist
this is a true is this a true
genesis of mars is this how marxist
leninists are made of
is this the stuff out of which they are
made a liberal butthurt liberal
no if one
can appreciate the meaning of marxist
leninist theory
in the west i guess the first
probably most important thing would be
to be able to rise above the petty
uh superficial political positions as
they may prevail
in a sense marxism leninism has always
entailed a type
of true centrism
not specifically between left and right
but being able to see the objectivity of
the contradiction itself
and inevitably again as i said before it
will be like the way
yeah sorry go ahead
uh yeah sorry it kind of cut out for me
but
the way that i would i would even put it
is that um
it you know with regards to being a kind
of centrist or whatever is being able to
navigate
uh the objective reality before you or
the particular reality before you now
you know navigate it
not simply take this position because it
is you know the most left wing or
something
but being but being able to navigate
your position that's why someone like
jimmy hoffa who was a labor organist
you know he was labor organizer was not
like uh a leftist so to speak you know
objectively sure but like he was able to
he exactly
he had the body of a maybe an
american maoist or something he just
didn't have the head of one
and but in america it's all head that
sounds weird
in america it's all here right it's not
the objective the body it's not that
kind of reality
the two are permanently in a state of
estrangement and that's why that's why
it's a tragedy in america because when
you see manifestations of the raw
material of some kind of maoism you even
see it in trump
and maybe in 2016 i don't know why now
you may you even saw it there
it's always estranged from
uh the intellectual articulation which
is
where in the university with all these
stupid people
right the head and the body are
estranged and this is the estrangement
that gives rise to
dialectic sense it's the contradiction
right
but i won't veer into that it's almost
better when you don't begin
i'm not saying it's always better i mean
for me it was it was a little bit
different but like
it's almost better when you don't begin
as a
as a marxist you know what i mean like
if you begin definitely
from from somewhere else if you even
look at the history of like
of you know what what revolutionaries
are made of they come from backgrounds
which you don't see today in
seminarians in seminary in the west
conservatives
the people who would make the best
marxist leninists are ones who
originally come from
a semi constitutional religious yeah
yeah religious
traditional whatever background
initially
um that's another thing is that uh when
i say
see past the petty political division i
don't mean
withdraw and dismiss it all and suck
them or whatever the fuck they're saying
i'm saying uh distill the true
essence from the appearance don't get
don't let
for example don't be
caught up in the false appearance of the
division
don't get involved in this kind of stuff
where i'm on the side of the uh
the liberals you know you have to have a
higher sense where you're able to see
sometimes the liberals are really wrong
in a sense yeah foolish and you can joke
and be cynical and stuff
and then sometimes uh conservatives
uh well they're objectively wrong in
their position
but you can learn from maybe what
they're saying
rarely but you know what i mean like you
don't have to be so one-sided and so
like
uh for example i'll give you a good
example what i think about this
when ginsburg died i saw one of two
responses
by leftists universally one was
they're crying the other one was that
they were laughing
they're both perverted you know they're
laughing because
oh they're still in their diaper
rebellion against the democrats
listen was anyone else just like me who
just didn't give a shit
and didn't even think anything of it
wasn't emotionally attached at all and
just
was like oh yeah she died because that
was literally my reaction when i saw it
and then that's what i mean by not being
so caught up in the fucking bullshit
you really have to have a global
perspective
and if you have a global perspective
you're going to be able to understand
that
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the political division that it exists in
america does not reflect
the realities of real politics
real politics is not manifested at this
site here
real politics is something you need to
be able to see with infrared vision
and having an international perspective
allows you to see that
having an international or a global
perspective allows you to distill the
bullshit from the
chit chat and 99 percent of what's going
on in america
i don't care who they are their leftist
or their writers it's chit chat
right it's just chit chat
if you have a more global perspective
you're able to
you're able to be indifferent you're
able to see this as a false division
and a lot of shit is just the kind of
false division in america
division over nothing now there is a
real objective
division of course the class struggle
and so on and so on but
it's not always it's not reducible to
the
explicit terms of its articulation
between democrats and republicans look
you go to any community
you show me a conservative i'll flip you
a liberal the same family members the
same
it's just a matter of your personality
what kind of like uh
type of person you are it's not some you
know what i mean
yeah it's not a the real fundamental
division
you need to have this kind of populistic
sense
mao understood the distinction between
primary and secondary contradictions
the primary contradiction is the class
struggle and all that stuff we know
but there's also a secondary
contradiction if you want
which is between the people and the
establishment
right without an acute sense of this
contradiction there would be no
revolution in russia
because there would be no land reform
the bolsheviks would have simply sided
with the mensheviks and
allied with the established bourgeoisie
instead of the
anti-establishment bourgeoisie that
existed in the countryside who was
hungry for land
and i don't even have to mention the
experience of china because it's
self-evident
but you get my point and every
corresponding successful revolution in
history
was based in an acute sense of the two
i mean this is even a kind of limited
way of putting it but if your
basic malware you should understand the
primary and the secondary contradictions
are two
code temporal and yet
uh not the same thing
if you uh for example only uh if you
substitute sense of the secondary
contradiction for the primary
contradiction
you're gonna inevitably side with the
establishment
think about it i'm in the university and
i need theory in order to understand
the concept of class struggle the
proletariat is the bourgeoisie i'm an
academic right
i require theory in order to
come to these conclusions about class
struggle that i found in the university
of the academy right
how did i arrive at that position
through university
through the institution through the
establishment inevitably
if i base my entire reality on this
reflexivity
i'm gonna resent people who don't have
access to this knowledge or simply
don't find it commonsensical or have no
reason to accept it i'm gonna
side with the establishment everyone's
stupid except me i have this insight
into the
truth and no one else does but on the
other hand
if you have an acute sense of the
secondary contradiction
you'll be able to see that that
very same the object of the primary
contradiction
which you have called the class struggle
is actually the same object as the
secondary contradiction
it's just manifesting itself in a
different way
a way that's not reducible to the terms
of its articulation and thought
something that's happening in actual
reality under your fucking nose
the revolution is underway under your
fucking nose there's a huge
anti-establishment sentiment
there's um the establishment is
crumbling
by this tsunami of the people that's
coming right
these things are happening it's just
that because the two contradictions are
estranged from one another
uh it's not clear
but that's the significance of maoism
was to make this precisely clear
this is why mao for the first time
allowed the millions hundreds of
millions of
people who were considered outside of
civilization outside of enlightenment
to have some kind of recognition you
know there was an article
recently that was like this chinese
strategy
from mao was to find a base in the
countryside to overthrow the cities
and they said china's trying to do the
same now
mao did the same thing with his
international perspective
he's trying to um
get all of the uh rural countries
uh against the urban
center of the first world and so on and
so on it's interesting you know
all right ezra just joined um
and he's gonna piggyback off what i just
said even though he didn't hear it
well i think um yeah the issue of the
secondary conjuring because it's it's a
it's not just a theory it's also a
practical lesson learned
through uh you know almost through
various hard
hardships or the chinese communist party
had endured
throughout the um the first stage of the
civil war and then
later on the sign of japanese war or
is that you know there is a necessity
but sometimes the you know because the
class
contradiction between pro therapy is
always the fundamental contradiction but
it's
you know the formal consideration is
important because you cannot you know
pretend you know just to be opposed to
the
at that time for the chinese government
so there's the nationals governments
that so
like you can also oppose them at the
same time
when there's a you know the i
at that time the primary contradiction
from all is
the national contradiction almost
between
the chinese people as a whole and uh the
invading uh japanese imperialist poll
and then as conditions shift the role
the
primary secondary reverse
dialogue too i guess i think this
is is an important concept to consider
today in the united states especially
when um
you know what does it mean to be what
even is a proletariat what's even is uh
um
a bourgeoisie it's not it's not a given
you know not not just subjectively it's
not a given it's not even
a given that you know people directly
relate
almost on an objective level i'm not
sure if it's the correct way
for this but um
but that doesn't mean you know like
to oppose the establishment through a
united nationhood or united uh sense of
the people as a whole
is a betrayal because it is
on a deeper objective level you advance
the even the class struggle to a much
greater degree than any pretension of
proletariat unites like you don't give a
shit about like
the rest of the people or
pretend that the national reality
doesn't exist
know um it's yeah because you you
mentioned uh the issue of the
proletariat in bourgeoisie in america
and it's like
it's such a tip of the iceberg thing as
far as we didn't even get to that
real problem of marxism theoretically
which is in a
it's dug a deep hole for itself the
dogmatic western marxists have
no ability to relate to the world
as it is exist today whatsoever all this
ideas that are talking about proletariat
bourgeoisie and then you can even go
the theory of value
the value form itself uh commodity
production the forces
raises all these things that they talk
about the base and superstructure
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uh they they can only dogmatically
impose upon the world but there's always
things about the world
that they're never going to be able to
appreciate as long as they're steeped
this is what i would say is that
essentially marxism is correct
but the form by which we can relate to
this correctness is not given but for
most
marxists in the west it is given
in order to understand what the
proletariat is all you need is a neat
little definition that says
uh someone who doesn't own the means of
production
but then you gotta you know it's in
and which means that uh a graduate
student is a proletarian
can you believe that shit i mean it's
betraying
any meaningful common sense that is
connoted by the word proletariat that's
always existed but we only accept it
because of some form
formal bullshit that no one ever agreed
upon or
was never given or dogmatically
implied in the first place so
that's another big point of distinction
we have with um
marxists we accuse them of formalism we
accuse them of dogmatism
and we think they simply are unable to
relate to the world today
at all i mean in what meaningful sense
besides of
a few niche people we know of on twitter
in what meaningful sense
have mark do are marxist today able to
establish
in the west i mean a brilliant analysis
of
the world or the economy no one it's
always coming from non-marxist who have
something
interesting to say it's always coming
from people outside of the dogma
you know and that's the interesting
thing that is
uh speaking of things that are happening
under the nose
of marxist in the west is that the
biggest
division between east and west in
marxism
cannot really be put on explicit
theoretical terms
because uh marxism leninism in
the east is never considered to be
reducible to a
theoretical exploitation whatsoever
there's a certain
maoist brilliance that is simply given
in china
but you have to ask this question how is
this brilliance
given in china in the communist party
and
even the people in a sense when you
cannot
find anywhere uh a code of laws where
this is all simply made explicit in all
its wealth and all its depth and it's
all its complexity and its
applicability to the world and so on and
the answer is that
there is an index of accumulated
experience uh
of marxism leninism that is subterranean
it is below the surface it's below the
sea
it's um unconscious it's uh
in all the deepest freudian metaphysical
whatever connotations of the
world sorry word in both russia and
china and elsewhere there's
an accumulated um index of
marxist leninist experience that while
is not
enunciated explicitly is still
recalled as a matter of deeper sense
um you don't need to read
books by badu in china
to understand the meaning of primary and
secondary contradiction
it only suffices to um point to an
example
and then it's just an ah i see what you
mean moment you know what i mean
and there's an accumulation of that kind
of into it intuitive sense
eastern marxism leninism where you just
simply have an aha moment and then
not only are you able to see
the meaning of it in this specific
instance it's not like some
english common law or something you're
able to actively
apply it to other things as well it
opens up it
unlocks um
aspects of reality that
uh you didn't that weren't before it
makes things
intelligible that were not before
intelligible about reality
and i think the thing that the way that
you could put this in the western
thinking i think
would be almost like uh de luz's idea of
transcendental empiricism
now it's a really brief rundown for kant
in the transcendental we know his thing
the transcendental aesthetic is uh
one thing or two things right it's space
and time or something like that right
de luz uh it goes
uh so far as to refuse to define
any one object of the transcendental
aesthetic
for de luz uh the transcendental
aesthetic
which is experience beyond the threshold
of i don't know
the surface consciousness maybe for him
to signify
um is a matter of um
active and uh recurrent
uh it's a experience it's a wealth it's
a reality that has
depth and wealth that must be active
actively and continually discover it's
called transcendental empiricism
in a similar way as the regular kind of
empiricism to nature
it means there's a lot of shit in nature
right
empiricism means we're discovering
different ways of relating to them by
the senses
for delivers it's the same thing with
the transcendental reality is what i'm
trying to say
there's a lot of shit out there right
and then the new delusions they have
this idea of the hyper object
and uh you have um
the whole thing about speculative
materialism maybe is another word
for transcendental imperialism it's all
kind of talking about the same thing but
all of this stuff again which is coming
from heidegger ultimately
his ways of thinking this is the only
way you can translate
marxism leninism into western terms
meaningful western terms
if you try to import eastern marxism
at face value in the west you're going
to end up with clownery and absurdity
so we've been getting some questions by
our viewers and they've been asking us
they're like
how are you guys first of all here's the
crazy they're just so surprised by this
they're telling us first of all you're
marxist leninist
what second of all you're dealing with
all this theory stuff that
only university people deal with so
those two already bizarre combination
but to make matters worse you're talking
about bernie sanders
as though it has some practical
significance and you're talking about
the bernie movement
you guys are suck dems it's just a whole
batch of contradictions and insanity
roiled into one if only you had
a true dialectic sense my friend because
you would be able to see how all of
those things you mentioned
beautifully and harmoniously complement
each other
uh you know and
it's funny people ask this question and
um
the only response you need to give is
again we just talked about what
westerners do with marxism leninism in
the east
but you also do this in your own
countries when phenomena rears its head
you call bernie's movement suck them
just because of the explicit
statements and claims of its
leaders but by doing so you've committed
two problems
the first problem is a very obvious one
the objective essence of the movement is
not reducible
to the explicit
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um explicit appearance
given to it by its leaders that's an
obvious materialist
101 so that's an easy shit right but the
second error you've committed
is worse you've committed a violent
cartesian reduction whereby
or kantian reduction you can either one
whereby
you have made it seem like something
that's contingent
uh exists for itself as a universal
whatever maxim when they say we want
universal health care just because they
didn't mention
we we want uh a communist world which by
the way is not a materialist position or
statement
doesn't mean they're they're elevating
this as a final goal that exists for
itself
they're speaking to a reality that is
concrete and is real in the present
tense
speaking to the contradictions in the
american politics as they
actually exist when you accuse them of
being suck dems because of what they did
not do not because of what they're
actually doing but because what they did
not do
you're knocking on an open fucking door
no one mentioned anything about that
shit you're talking about
the burden of proof lies upon you to
make that somehow meaningful or of
any practical relevance what the fuck
does it mean to call yourself
a fucking communist you're just talking
about things you don't want
oh i don't want a society where there's
money what does that mean practically
what does that even fucking mean
you can't even tell me what that means
oh i'm a communist because i want there
to be no
uh private property okay but what does
that entail what does that mean i'll
tell you what it entailed in the soviet
union in russia
it entailed the land reform that gave
small allotments of plots of land
to peasants
that's what it entailed and in china
i'll make even make the ark it entails
uh socialism with chinese
characteristics that's how they saw it
so what does that entail for you because
you can't collapse
the essence and the appearance there's a
discontinuity you cannot
you've only arrived at a negative truth
you've said communism is a stateless
classly okay but you haven't actually
arrived at the positive meaning of that
you've mistaken the positive meaning for
uh the negative one you've mistaken the
form
for the positive meaning form is always
negative tell me what that means
concretely
if you want to get to the real stuff
about concrete reality
you got to leave your little uh
pseudomarxist study group
or your little cult you got to leave
your kindergarten
and you got to go out in the real world
and be given to that and it's
tough it's brutal it's humiliating
because why is it humiliating because
it's always going to humiliate you it's
always going to change your perceptions
it's not you're not going to have any
pre-emptive knowledge going forward
it's going to you know exempt you from
the the constant humbling
uh nature of practice changes what you
think about the world
you may know the world negatively and
abstractly doesn't mean you know it
positively and concretely
it's so funny how so-called radical
leftists will be like
well look what happened to corbin and
bernie told you so
we never no one ever made the assumption
you're saying
nobody like
this and by the way you didn't know
anything
if if you what's that
quote in fast or go with you or
something
uh when all that is
the martin the one that marx likes no no
the one quote that says
better if nothing came to be yeah
what is the full quote
um oh yeah all that exists
deserves to bear we'll perish so better
if nothing came to be
if you hold that position uh
you'll always be right no matter what
fucking happens
we're all gonna die man we're all gonna
die one day
so so and the same is true for movements
and states even
if you just hold that lazy position
you'll turn out to be right eventually
but you know what you won't accomplish
getting anywhere
oh i didn't think about that
did you you only thought about this
abstract
formal idea of being right and you're
not even right because you weren't
in order to be right you have to prove
it in a particular way what do i mean by
that
if you're betting on the stock market
you can't just say
um all co all stocks will eventually go
down
by five percent you have to choose a
specific stock
at a specific time you have to get it
right like that
you didn't do that for bernie or corbin
you just said it's all bullshit
and everything went to shit eventually
but
you didn't make a particular observation
or analysis doing that requires work
and if you're able to make those types
of analysis that are particular
and actually concrete
you would be helping the movement you
would be fighting for the uh leadership
of the movement because you're saying
uh it's going to shit unless we lead in
this specific
this is our concrete specific position
this is what is necessary for victory
if you can prove you had that position
once
you would already be the leader of the
western left
easily if you could prove once that you
said
something specific we need this specific
strategy
we need this specific tactic
and we will win without this and it's
something specific and concrete
and you're proven right
you would lead the western left or if
you're critiquing a specific tactic and
you're saying this specific one is wrong
and there's a clear way in which it's
proven that that was the wrong move
you were congratulations you gained
something called
in grand theft auto terminology
street cred right what's that game where
it's like that saints row
you gain reputation
you gain you gain reputation you know
you gain the xp points
people will see that shit and they'll be
like wow you were right that's street
cred right
[Music]
and i think there's kind of an irony to
the uh like the leftists who make this
like criticism too like they you know
they knew it was gonna
go bad because the irony is that it's
precisely because of these kinds of
leftists
that the bernie and corbin movie
movement
failed it's precisely because of uh you
know these kind of radical leftists who
are disconnected from objective reality
and putting their own kind of like
special meaning
um upon any um like kind of social
political movement instead of like
embracing it for what it is and really
embracing
um i like really taking a mantle
of the people's will it's it's precisely
because these guys have left us that
the bernie and the quarter movement get
bogged down it's because
you know bernie and corbin were trying
to um
almost like appeal to these like sort of
woke leftists who were giving these
impossible
um coastal uh demands they got
increasingly and increasingly
uh more and more ridiculous like by the
end of it you know corbin was like
saying
uh he was going to like make
animal rights um like
uh reforms and whatnot that had nothing
to do you know with
like the original you know core of this
movement
and so i think there's like an irony to
this because like they are the
they are what i would say a big part of
the problem
um you know uh discounting animal rights
because i think that is bullshit both
abstractly and concretely
but i'm not going to rant about that
here i'll tell you the tragedy of
sanders and corbin things so
concrete truth and concrete victory
was sacrificed in the name
of uh
things that were abstractly true
so what do i mean by that problems were
raised on the basis
of abstract problems
technically it is true that um
whatever abstractly yes it is true uh
i don't know let's even say um
let's even say uh yes abstractly it is
true capitalism should be
or must be abolished or will be
abolished right
concretely what does that mean
you see what i mean when you exhibit
this notion
abstractly you're coming at the expense
of the actual concrete truth of this
abstraction
so you stiffen concrete victory because
you're being tempted by abstract truths
technically the us
is founded upon cis heteropatriarchal
exposition of native land and
slavery and white supremacy yes that's
all true
so bernie and his movement was tempted
by this truth this abstract truth
sorry truth and
it saw this as sufficient ground to give
concessions to
the self-anointed um
self-anointed uh disciples of this truth
the ones who saw who uh considered
themselves to have the solution to this
problem so we're gonna have more lip
service we're gonna have more
woke language and shit all you did was
alienate the population though
you see what i mean whereas in actual
fact
to concretely relate to this reality of
native genocide and then slavery and all
this kind of stuff entailed and
faithful uh
entailed fidelity to the concrete needs
of the movement
which means putting a fucking muzzle on
the meaningless pseudo-radical language
so you don't uh
you don't just right off the bat
antagonize
90 percent of fucking people i think
that they want to be able to solve these
these things you know indigenous without
having
the power the basis to do this you know
and because they have not established
that power basis first
they demand that it's that it's uh it
comes first on the agenda you know so to
speak
you know it's it's almost like what you
said with like primary and secondary
contradictions what mouse said
you know yes yes these are problems but
you you only get this first by
establishing trust
and a basis in the people that comes
first and and by the way
that's only in terms of educating them
about it which is a cultural thing
educating people about the crimes
against native americans yeah that's
cultural though
that's doing something that's real in
relation to the
predicament of native whatever i don't
know if they like to be called as
indians
that has nothing to do with uh that's
not just a matter of culture it's a
concrete thing it's about giving them
land and all this kind of stuff you know
what i mean
it has nothing to do with um
merely acknowledging something
like and by the way the thing that
they're demanding everyone acknowledge
was just negative
let's acknowledge america is founded by
sin no one wants to dwell in a bitchy
negative
fucking world let me tell you man life's
already a bitch people are jobless and
struggling for jobs
jobs went overseas the way of life is
being destroyed
you don't think they have enough of a
bitchy reality they're living it man
you're just a fucking college student or
a graduate student in a graduate student
union
and you don't have enough of the bitchy
reality so you have to make one
abstractly
people are already living it if you only
give people negativity
oh america's sinful so what do you have
to offer what is your fucking point
if you have a point get to that point
instead of this stupid iconoclasm that
you
are so content with dwelling in no one
likes a whiner
and no one likes someone who just
bitches as a way of life
in order to live i'm gonna be like a
self-help guy but living means
positivity in a way right
living means waking up and just living
persisting if you dwell in negativity
all the fucking time
that's no way for a fucking human being
to live
just say what you want to say and say
everyone should die
you know what i mean by that in a way
just tell people they should just
fucking drop dead like what do you
fucking want
at the end of the day you gotta wake up
and eat and work
that's life
you need to acknowledge america was
founded
but what's your fucking point
you know what i mean like get to the
point
you just want people to acknowledge it
no but i'll tell you what they'll say
they'll say
well the first step to doing anything
about it is acknowledging it no it's not
it's the last step
uh the first first of all you don't know
what the positive consequence of that
is it's not necessarily true that all of
america is a
needle because of what you're saying
there's a reality to america that isn't
just that
there's a deeper reality to the thing
you're saying
you know there's more to it than
that or the implication of that
is not reducible to the appearance of a
horrible crime and there's other
implications too
you know that you gotta draw out with
work
um i hate to be the type you know it
says
like what jija could the same thing that
was bad also gives rise to the
opportunity for something good
and i don't fully buy that but
there's an extent to which is true you
know
like that should allow you to um
clarify the good instead of just
dwelling and
bitching about the bad you know about
america i mean
and the american nation specifically
i i think it has a lot to do with like
this kind of
way of thinking where we um we
supposedly want to get to like the deep
dark uh reality of things
but i think in some ways when you get
down to like the deep dark reality of
things
and so on you end up missing um the
bigger picture
because you meant you end up missing um
the appearance
there's kind of a truth to the
appearance of good even when there's
like you know
um evil uh beneath it and i think
almost a commitment to that appearance
of good
is like precisely um what's needed
because i think that appearance is more
than just
like superficial more than more than
just um
like an ideological lie but al but
actually represents
something um redeemable about america
like you know as an american citizen or
like
as a um someone who's taking like a
political stance or being a partisan
if you're coming from an american
standpoint i think you do still need to
like base yourself
in this kind of like idea of america as
being you know
this um experiment of democracy
and of enlightenment principles it's
just that you have to commit yourself
more deeply to that than the actual
founding fathers and so on
were capable of doing um in their
context
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here i think you're muted i'm a clown
you also have to be uh delivered to the
oceanic reality of america the one that
isn't written anywhere in history books
right the american people the story of
the american people
democracy what does it mean it means you
know
deimos democracy it's about people
so there's also this unconscious reality
you have to be delivered to that can't
really be put in
explicit terms but i really like how you
put it
because um about the good specifically
because
if you think about it what is the motif
of the era
the good or the sun was fake
and now we're dealing with this issue of
uh the beautiful the good was a lie
platon and good right the form of forms
the center
the father whatever the state it was all
based on a
false myth and now we've taken the red
pill and we're in the matrix and this is
the real reality and all that's left is
this question of the sublime the beauty
the beautiful sorry um
[Music]
beauty is the only real thing why
because
when we see the good as debased
it is by means of a phenomenal
appearance
or as an object of the aesthetic
that we perceive the good as debased
right the form of forms is let's say
rome
uh caesar uh was killed
or christ was crucified maybe it's the
same story i'm not gonna get into that
um something happens though
in phenomenal reality that debases the
good
so the good cannot be redeemed but only
there can only be a striving for beauty
which is what
the realization of perfection in
phenomenal
reality this is the theme of
media it's the theme of everything it's
also the theme of the contemporary left
and its idea of communism communism is a
cultural and aesthetic
idea it's a realization of perfection
in the world as an object of phenomenal
sense
whereas before in the past maybe you had
a utopianism but communism was never
an idea in the sense of a phenomenal
object it was never a thing where we
said um
this is how it will be and if it's any
other way it's bullshit
you know how leftist in america say that
you can keep your revolution it's
bullshit
unless you acknowledge ablyism
it's bullsh you know they say all these
kind of things because it's an aesthetic
object
it's all about appearance it's all about
beauty anyway i'm rambling
the whole point about what you said
about seeing appearance of the good
there's a truth in it
is to arrive at the insight that the
good
the platonic good never pretended
to worldly perfection the form of forms
was never
reducible to any phenomenal appearance
in the first place
you only made the assumption it was
after
the good was debased the appearance of
the good was debased
to have a higher sense of the good
and even you can even think about this
in terms of what is the meaning of
maoist
goodness of the people stalinist or
maoist because they say the goodness of
the people
it's a very common maoist motif how can
you say the goodness of the people the
people rape
lie cheat and all these bad things and
then leftists will
why can you say this patriarchy and
there's racism okay
because when you say the goodness of the
people
you're referring to something that's not
reducible to what is formally
intelligible on the surface
that's the meaning of the goodness of
the people so to see the goodness of the
american people doesn't mean to excuse
all the crimes and hideous shit it just
means to acknowledge there's a reality
that's not on the surface
[Music]
that is ultimately what is called the
good the form of forms
um it's the same reason that any idea of
communism is a kind of final
eschatological reality he's already
mistaken
you know absolutely mistaken uh
communism uh maybe not even as just a
final eschatological sublime
you've had that maybe in the in the past
and uh
it's just truth in it what is absolutely
false
is the idea of communism as
as a
total culturalization of the world where
we render everything the economic laws
the material reality
every single thing in the world becomes
subjugated by the dominion of culture
where we can
uh establish rules and social
association on purely explicit terms
there's no unconscious there's no deeper
reality there's
no material reality it's all a
contractual
reality what do you know of course
people critique this as
bourgeois it's fundamentally bourgeois
right
i just said it contractual we go back to
where
who uh lock and all those assholes
right the english theorists
of state bentham
the the ego the english egotist uh
yes um what's absolutely false is an
idea of communism i mean i feel
disgusted saying it because marx already
said it and everyone always quotes marx
but i don't think they really understand
what he was trying to say communism
isn't a society you want to establish
it's a real movement
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toward not the abolition that's an
american word
it's a retarded word uh the russian
equivalent to that word is liquidation
they had a word for it in russian
liquidation and liquidationism was a
tendency that the bolsurex were fiercely
fiercely opposed to
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not to abolish the present state of
things but marx said to sublate them
to off hebrew you put it in the hegelian
terms
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so what does that mean it means
uh there is an objective movement
that attests to some kind of
transformation that is happening
not something you want to happen it is
happening
and this is what we're calling communism
so to be explicitly a communist all that
means is that you're someone who
acknowledges that
doesn't mean there's no like uh there's
no component to that where it says i
want society to be this way
no being a communist just means you're
acknowledging something no one else is
acknowledging
and or you're acknowledging it in a
unique way why did angles call it
scientific socialism why didn't he just
say
socialism but we're also going to be
scientific no he called it scientific
socialism why
because to be a scientific socialist
means
you're acknowledging something in a
scientific way
that not only others are not
acknowledging who aren't socialists but
even the socials who are acknowledging
it aren't acknowledging it in a
scientific way
right
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so but um
another thing about this question of
socialism is that it goes back to this
question of the culturalization of the
economy
and politics and great
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yeah i think you asked me about
something regarding what i said about
china and
why it cannot really be said china isn't
socialist
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yeah particularly because it was in
reference to
something false equivalence of public
property social exact ownership exactly
yeah that was it and more particularly
with with private property itself
exactly
yeah yeah what people don't understand
is that people think
socialism or communism the end of
private property simply means everything
becoming public state property
ah no that's not the historical
experience
in fact public property is what's the
bourgeois notion
what is public property it's a owned by
who right it's an abstraction the state
is an abstraction
it's the same abstract state as the
bourgeois state that owns it this is the
commons of bourgeois
society is an anonymous
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universal a not determinate or
particular
uh type of ownership uh state and public
ownership
exists in all uh societies after
modernity
and it is only as a necessity it's a
pragmatic reality it's not because
it's more virtuous for the state or how
jacobin magazine wants to put it well
the state will be more caring for people
because
you know what i mean this kind of
bullshit no the state ownership
is something that is where the economy
has a political
strategic whatever dimension for the
state and the state must own it because
they can't trust people with owning it
because if people
owned it privately it would that like
it's always like a temporary burden it's
always
privatization is always better in the
bourgeois society
maybe even in general because
um it uh
it makes something that was a burden
into something that just works by itself
we as the state can privatize something
because this no longer
threatens the strategic integrity of the
state
or the welfare of the people whatever
you want in a socialist
what we call today's 21st century
socialism that already won
um anyway uh no
the real stakes of socialism or at least
marxism whatever you want to call it
is not in the public ownership it's in
the strange and bizarre
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uh almost
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unintelligible type of ownership
and the reason it's so paradoxical
unintelligible was because
it's in between the very contradiction
between
the universal form and the determinate
private particular
and what is the first form of this it's
the call causes under stalin
the stalin era coal closes were not
public property
stalin hinted that the coal causes were
the true form of
communistic property it's not it's a
false assumption to say that
public property was the communist that
it will evolve in the form of public
property simply swallowing the coal
closes
he said no it could be the opposite is
true maybe there's a more
decentralization
decentralization sorry uh maybe it means
uh
public property something will happen to
it and the call causes are the model for
the future
socialist ownership you see
uh the issue with the universal public
property
is the same issue marx critiqued of the
bourgeois state
it's not that oh you can't um
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it's gonna you can't own everything
because of the pragmatic reason it'll be
inefficient
no ontologically it's not possible for
universal public ownership why because
economic reality is something objective
it's something material and objective
it's a simple
thing all marxists can accept you cannot
legislate the material premises
of the economy you cannot do it you
cannot legislate them
by decree this is idealism it's
volunteerism
uh you can only submit to the economic
laws
objective economic laws but you can't um
establish the next nihilo the problem of
marxists
chiefly western marxist they have
reduced the materiality of
the economy to the um
to the uh only as the technological
forces of production
which lacks any human elements the
machines and the
nature and the science and this this is
what they have said is
the material forces of production they
neglect that the relations of production
are also a material
site the relations of production are
also material
unless what do you mean they're
hardwired and said no that's the whole
point
they're not physiologically reducible
but they're still material you know what
i mean they're still objective and real
maybe they're not the same as uh the
same thing as um
an animal uh instinct but it's still a
this is why psychoanalysis is important
it exists and you can discern it in the
unconscious
symptoms and so on and so on well anyway
um
if the material forces of production are
also
sorry material relations or production
are also material
there's a universal ownership of um
the means of production is fucking
absurd
it's absolutely absurd um because what
does that mean it means you're replacing
material
relations of production with some ideal
of what they should be the relations of
production
and in the west in america it's so silly
and this is why
we didn't want to mention them this is
why we're not bred to because we don't
say
the workers ownership public no that's
cultural that's you're not talking about
anything material
workers ownership of the means of
production
socialistic ownership of means of
production is not something you can
legislate
it's only something that can emerge
uh accidentally in a sense
and what do i mean by that accidentally
and maybe not even in the
in the form in which they they think it
is that's what i mean more
that's more what i mean that's more what
i mean the call causes for example
they were you can't legislate maybe put
this way that
you can't legislate the form in which
this takes workers
yeah they weren't obviously they weren't
entirely voluntary
but the causes uh opened up a reality
that couldn't
could that was neither legislated
beforehand the reality of the peasants
the particular reality of the peasants
in the country
nor was it a reality that they whose
ultimate outcome anyone could have
decided beforehand
in the in the form of the cult closes
themselves the peasants were burdened
with improvising and dealing with all
these minutes
small uh details and realities to meet
those quotas
you couldn't have you can't know what
that's going to be like beforehand
uh by some central state you can't you
simply can't
the reason why maybe that this is uh is
socialistic
it's that only i would argue it was the
only socialistic
this is where uh you know we want to
avoid being textualists but this is
where you know free association
and submitting to laws beyond you comes
into play exactly
it's
acquires determinate in particular form
it's not just this universal state
owning everything
here in the void of private
reality if you want something
socialistic can emerge
right which you cannot pre-emptively
this is why we're hydarians
in a sense right
and then maoism complicates it even more
going beyond the coal closes and so on
and then with socialism with chinese
characteristics
uh it gets even more interesting and
more and more interesting but we can't
talk about it all here right because
uh it will take too much time
but i think the main takeaway the main
point of this should be
what distinguishes us infrared we are
marxist-leninist we are communists and
so on
but if you're watching this
right um
everything you think you know about what
those words mean
we argue is wrong that's what we're
about
that's where we're coming from it's all
wrong you got it all wrong
and it's so severely wrong to the point
where up is down and left is right
you will you will think we are
conservatives and we're writers
it's i mean it's so far out there in
terms of how we see this
that um
it's almost like there's no common
ground i don't even want to critique
bread to people because what do we have
to do with them
nothing right like
uh and and that's kind of what the
reason we we made this show is because
we think that what we are about isn't
really being given adequate
representation anywhere else we think we
are really a unique
thing we have going on i'm talking about
in the west okay
in elsewhere outside of america there's
a lot of common ground a lot of
interesting things going on
but i'm just talking about specifically
in terms of dogmatic uh
talmudistic i'm not saying an
anti-semitic way i'm saying
stalin's criticism uh marxism that
exists in the west
to clarify that's why we feel more
closer to
non-american and somewhat non-western
left
western marxism was a mistake absolutely
absolutely i mean
yeah i mean if by western marxism we
mean lukakus
who destroyed marxism in the west
theoretically
his continuation of marxism
was the death knell of marxism and
anyone who says read blue cox i'll say
for every
lucox there's a kolakowski is his name
legend yeah oh she's got a pool yeah for
every lucox there's one of him because
he's the conclusion
it's simply liberalism kantianized
liberalism
that's western marxism the only
interesting marxism in the west was
happening after heidegger kojev batai
and france all those french thinkers
coming after this
franco-germanic dialogue that was
happening
which also somewhat gave rise to
de-colonial theory fanon phanon came
from these people right or is influenced
by them
the iranian intellectuals
were influenced by them so all the
interesting things were happening
in terms of the west were happening
there and
it's corresponding influences in the
third world it's happening there
right western marxism is for nerds
sorry it's for academic nerds who want
to feel like they're orthodox
and marxism they're doing it by the book
so they feel safe and comfortable
when you read baatai you're doing
nothing by the book there's no guarantee
or safety you're doing it correctly
whatsoever
you have to discover the essence of
marxism
by means formally unfamiliar to you
and i think that is the only correct
position someone people who live in the
west like us
can have you know um
we're not trying to appear like we're so
much more enlightened and smarter than
all of you all
we really just want to share it with
people because we think there's people
out there
who do agree with us and who maybe are
out there
like us but who aren't really being
given representation their voices are
not really being heard
and that maybe they don't have the words
for this but they have they do have
exactly
we don't think we're geniuses who are
smarter than everybody
and you just have to listen to us and
whatever we think that for accidental
reasons
you know we want to bring
interesting people who aren't being
given representation together
and the real target is not
uh you the viewers uh as a regular
person
the real target is the institutionalized
marxism that is up there in the ivory
towers and the academia
those are the that's the target of you
know i'm not trying to say um
oh we're so much smarter than everybody
i'm trying to say we need to
we those of us marxists who are out
there those guys like us
what's that movie who's like if you're
out there x-men
if you're out there
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we're just trying to say if you're out
there
we can muster the courage to take this
shit over you know i'm saying we don't
gotta
be bounded by this kind of blackmail of
the institutionalized marxism of the
academic establishments and all these
not
nerds not that we're any comparable but
think about lenin i mean lenin was was
considered a rightest by a great many
marxists in his own day he was shot by a
leftist candidate yeah we're not even in
that league you know that
we're not we're not but it but it is a
good example you're right 100
and mao was the same thing how was the
same thing yeah
believe it or not was it mao ezra maybe
you know about this
wasn't mao less favored by the soviet
establishment
in the beginning um
they prefer others right i'm i think so
not just specifically moss basically i
think he just
wasn't in the beginning it wasn't even
considered because um
you look at the early ccp history it's
um
a bunch of bunch of other failures but
almost for the exact reasons that we
talked about here who are
very much more or less dogmatists
who are um their bolshevism
is very much you know the bad parts of
bullshit as a relative
that makes sense it's very westernized
it's
exclusively urban focused it's uh
yeah ezra wasn't the uh i might be wrong
but
didn't i think the original ccp members
loved and turned to trotskyism because
of this reason you know some turn to
japan right
yes some turn to trotskyism but it's not
necessary that's a problem because
trustee was so demonized among the
coming term but you know japan is big
was a big thing
um and then just um
you know de facto into kmt or um just
people just
you know you have this process of people
just
dogmatically uh assume the proletariat
um appearance uh that says in the west
you know trying to extrapolate this
to china um even though china's
proletaries the size of the chinese
proterra is
debatable at best at that time and
and then mao is the first person to you
know talk about a swarm of return
like going to the people in the center
going to the countryside going to the
10th century and it was um extremely
controversial
both in the coming panel within the
chinese conference party itself
it's a lot of contestion theoretical
and practical uh confrontation
and eventually you will not know almost
all the practical necessity in a way
that's you know
um because the party was basically
destroyed by all its
attempt and they did try all the
attempting
almost purely urban mobile mobilization
but small was certainly considered as
like a deviation
of someone that's um not only dj for
mall but even devious from lemon
um yeah like someone who's
almost good i guess a rice winner i'm
not sure if he's explicitly called us
but it's
something it does it's something like
that um
so it's a it's really a internal
revolution that the chinese communist
party have to go to
in order even to progress and like i
said before they learned the hard way
they
was almost annihilated multiple times
throughout the 20s and 30s before
you know they finally come to the
conclusion um
that something different needs to be
done
that's the um
the predominance in ocean that they the
marxist
at the time that they that they have was
need to be
completely re-evaluated re-evaluated
and that's why i think it's kind of
absurd now is this like
what we're doing isn't really new what
we're doing should be common sense for
anyone who's looking at history
all this shit happened i mean if you're
a marxist or an academic marxist
who's watching this and is so mad about
heterodox and shit we are
man you were those people in the common
turn in the
chinese and soviet establishments of the
communist party who didn't like mao but
mao is the one who won
and this story repeats itself across
history
lenin was the same thing every concrete
victory of marxist anywhere
was the same thing or or of a communist
party anywhere was the same story it's
the same story
of going against the establishment
and you really got to think to yourself
if you're really you know watching this
in your butt hurt and shit you got to
think about
like today in 2020 where are you like
who are you
right like where would you be back then
so where are you now
right you would be with that
establishment
and i can't see how people like look
guys there's literally people who will
watch this and like
well you still believe the value form
shouldn't be abolished
so you're not a marxist and they'll
really say that
like what where do you where do you
think you look like saying that
in a historical perspective like where
are you right now
you an establishment
dogmatic little bass bitch sorry to say
you know you're not the type you're
you're thinking is not the one that's
gonna carry
um carry uh
the proletariat to victory it's just not
at the same time i do think it's kind of
a fad
um nowadays at least as far as i can see
where you do have a lot of
leftists in the united states who condem
theory and theory talk
you know supposedly for this reason
they'll hear this stuff and they'll hear
yeah we need to go back to common sense
you know you're thinking you stop
telling people to read shit but
it's not that either you know the point
is obviously to be
um you know like you said uh to kind of
do because they think
common sense means abolish the police
and that's good
no exactly exactly exactly they think
they can skip the prop
the point of fear is to clarify this is
to put something like this not not watch
the police but like abolish value form
discover what is concrete about that
today it's not to impose that on reality
you know what i mean you want to know
something like they reverse it the
phrase
abolish the value form is the most
retarded fucking thing you can say yeah
it's so fucking stupid how can you
do you actually think the value form is
legislated somewhere it's a
it's a statute it's a civil code you
abolish you fucking idiot
you can't abolish it the the form itself
can only be sublated you can't abolish
that
it doesn't matter it's the same thing
for everything with the family with the
state
you know and this and this stuff is
common sense but you'll have the same
people say abolish the value form
abolish wage labor
but these things are not like ex like
they're not objects of thought that you
can arbitrate
you know i mean like how like how do you
do that
but but that's that's like you said
that's where
if you if you are uh acquainted with the
history of marxism you'll see
that what this means in practice you
know in uh in russia
in china you know in america they're
trying to draw parallels to the
abolitionist movement in the 19th
century
but guess what guys the difference with
that is that there was the element of
formally instantiated human bondage
involved which means people were
formally
legally recognized as property so you
can directly political
you can abolish that because it's
directly formally there
when you're talking about capitalism or
you're talking about the value form or
you're talking about
the family and all these things that's
not there there's no
set of laws you can repeal
or revise that are going to change these
realities because they're not
a matter of law whereas slavery and
actually slavery wasn't entirely a
matter of law either
that slavery is an objective reality
somewhat has persisted even to this day
right but it's still meaningful to say
abolish slavery
but that did not eliminate the reality
of slavery no one would
argue that in 2020 i don't think
but there was something meaningful about
abolishing slavery
it wasn't meaningful because slavery
meant
people were in bondage in a legally
recognized way
you no but i think that's another
just going back to what we said before i
think that's another way in which uh
we're straddling a kind of
and it's a bad word to use but it kind
of centrism because on the one hand it's
not an
over emphasis on the purity of thought
and these kinds of abstractions and
taking this being
but at the same time it's not the uh
you know this kind of con you know you
know common sense it's not actually
common sense
view that you ought to just dispense
with theory and what is common senses
about
these things you have to have a
dialectic between
both and see that theory is
clarification of
the practice of objectivity of whatever
you want to call it you know what i mean
i i think it's also like important to
remember that in like opposing
um like established academia and like
established theories of knowledge
it's not like for the point of negation
it's because we're like putting forward
our own affirmative
stance or something that is in
opposition to what already exists but
it's not purely
like a negative stance on knowledge
itself
but a competing theory of knowledge that
we're you know putting forward
absolutely the only reason i mention
institutions and academia
is because i see how very clearly when
we're trying to put forward
our positive views
the fact that we lack those credentials
gets in the way for so many people
who are you to say that you know it's
just because we're not established and
that's the whole point of
anti-establishment sentiment
it's when there's a positive striving
that an establishment is getting in the
way of
you know you know another thing about
this so-called you know oh that theory
is so
inaccessible i bitched about in a show
um
for them common sense is just
uh it's still reflexive it's still this
purely reflexive instinct
it's not really common sense
because as metropolitans as urban
whatever
youth for them the negation is almost
like
already their reality so it doesn't take
much thought
to start screaming and screeching
abolish
this and abolish that because we get it
dude you're edgy and you want to abolish
the world you want to abolish reality
your whole position is based on
abolishing reality because that's what
your way of life is as a petty
bourgeoisie
listen if you are a
artist i'm not going to hate these i
don't hate
please don't mistake this for i'm saying
as a general phenomena as a class
phenomena
if you are a petty bourgeois cultural
uh cultural bourgeoisie
your instinct is going to be to abolish
reality why
because reality is what limits you isn't
it with limits you like
you still have to eat and feed yourself
and that's uh things those are things
that cannot be negotiated on the terms
of
your practice you can't artistically
determine
how you're going to get food you cannot
intellectually determine how you're
going to get food
those are realities that just humiliate
you and so there's this instinct for
these people to just want to abolish
reality itself
because they have this it's something
they have to submit to and which
is outside of their control if that
makes sense that's one way of looking at
why they always say abolish this and
abolish that
because reality itself humiliates them
and they see the things they want to
abolish is the thing that prevents them
from
being able to set the material reality
that conditions them on terms
controllable by them they want to
control
um uh yeah i would say before we wrap
things up
um i think that is at base is what
differentiate what we feel
differentiates our marxism
from the west you know why do we feel
special when we talk about this stuff
and if you want to kind of uh abstract
but i feel like it's also pretty
intuitive
uh explanation of this it's just that
for western marxists they see reality as
something which is to be domesticated
their own being foreignness whatever is
outside them has to be domesticated
that's why they're obsessed with this
kind of
dogma it you know this kind of dogmatic
adherence to text it's not that we
repudiate these texts
that for them this is a consolation from
from the world right
but the whole point the whole point of
marx's critique is to be
not only acquainted with but submit to
that which is
uh that which is objective right which
can't be
so easily domesticated made an object of
thought which is
condition which thought is conditional
on you know what i mean
that's why he's a materialist but this
is forgotten
and the sad thing is that
and like i said wrapping it up i think
this would be my final critique i guess
of western marxist
the decisive significance of marxism was
always a critique of socialism
socialism had existed in marx's time and
marxism is a specific
form of the critique of socialism it's a
socialism yes but
it's a socialism founded upon the
critique of other socialisms
we cannot even afford to say that we
just have a problem of the pestilence of
non-marxist socialisms
in the left because they're not
socialistic whatsoever
they're not utopian socialists they're
not erratic
interesting socials they're not any type
of socialist whatsoever
instead we have a pestilence of
liberalism
and liberalism which is based in
only the negation and the negative
rights and all this kind of stuff
and negative freedoms has encountered
its civilizational
limits and out of this paradox people
have
convinced themselves that they've
discovered the meaning of marxism when
in fact
they're only taking liberalism to its
extremes to the point of total absurdity
self negating
absurdity psycho psychosis and
foreclosure nowhere in this
is anything similar to marxism or even
socialism in the general sense
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uh to be found the extremity of
liberalism i think if i could just put
words in your mouth
is uh is a kind of of anarchism or the
extent of anarchism
of liberals it's trying the significance
of that
is beyond just you know the stupidity of
the politics it's that it tries to get
rid of its own ground
even specifically anglo-american
anarchism has really nothing to do with
who bakun in they have nothing in common
yeah bakunin was an anti-semite
and he was a pan-slavist anti-semite
what does bakunin have to do with these
people nothing anarchism is a phrase it
has no
real meaning in a trans-historical way
but people in america who call
themselves anarchists yeah they're
liberals edgy liberals
of course name me one and david graber
he was kind of interesting
i don't think he was a liberal he was an
interesting guy but
name me one someone you find who says
i'm an anarchist it's a liberal
okay in america it's a liberal who's
edgy
right uh and unfortunately a lot of
tankies are that way too
so it's the same thing we're talking
about they're all the same to us
pretty much same pathology you can call
yourself a trotskyist
a stalinist a tanki or
anarchist or
a maoist someone who's very mentally ill
and it's all the same all right i think
that's a good
place to end it right yeah
okay and uh we really have been
enjoying all of your feedback so keep it
up
um and hopefully
we will have another episode soon
[Music]
you