Haz talks with Polish Communist | InfraredShow Stream

2021-11-30
Tags: ""
hello
hey what's up give me one moment
okay uh
okay
all right
sorry about this
all right how are you
good
it's good to see you
you too
yeah
do you
can um
can i make life or do you want to ask me
something before
uh no it's good you can go live i also
want to let you know that i'm also live
right now on twitch oh he's good so
hello to cameras from europe
so hello today we will speak with camrat
from usa camera to haas who make a
youtube channel infrared
hello camera
and maybe i will
i watch some of on on of your videos
and
i i saw that
sometimes or often you you speak about
the socialist block
especially about the soviet union and
east germany
but do you know the history of polish
communist movement
um i i don't uh i'm not very familiar
with the history of the movement i just
have a brief familiarity with uh
some details of uh
the polish communist uh
state history throughout the cold war
leading to the 80s and so on
yes because
i i wanted to start a discussion from
this subject because
uh
i think that for you and for the
conversation which is now in american
youtube
the question of the communism and the
patriotism and also your discussion with
jason unruh
i think that the
the history of the communist movement in
poland is very interesting so
maybe briefly i will say some words
about this so before the second world
war we had one party which was a which
was a section of the third international
it was communist party of poland it was
combative party but relatively small
small party it was the legalized party
and there was a lot of persecution but
this party was small because of the
sectarian position in the many in the
many question for example the members of
this party wanted to make poland the
republic of the soviet union and it was
after poland gained independence and
it's it's not worked in poland because
most of the polish workers wanted to
independent polish state and they
preferred the polish polish way to
socialism not to be part of the of the
um
of the soviet union and the cameras
starting he dissolved this party because
of many reasons
um
it is another conversation why the the
communist party was was dissolved
but in the time of the second world war
there was constructed new party new
party which was built by the members of
the ancient communist party but this
party is the name polish workers party
and this party was
fighting against the occupation
and this party very quickly became
became
mass party mass party and it was party
who which
after second world war build a socialism
in poland uh so
we we in this
in this question we have uh two two kind
of of of parties one party is sectarian
second party used this patriotic
question and very quickly became a mass
party and and changed the society
so
so
from this perspective uh i think that
the discussion which you have for
example with jason unruh uh
the strategy of polish workers party is
better than strategy sectarian strategy
of the this communist party which
existed before but
after the history of poland it was his
story that
the country evolution in the socialist
blog started in poland and it started in
poland because the
this this
strategy of polish workers party to
organize mass movement and take a power
was good to take a power but after when
when there is there was a question
building socialism
they
didn't use marx's story
well for example
they didn't fight with catholic church
they they stopped the collectivization
and the
also there was the this patriotic
question
it was good when it was and against
german
but in 1970s and 1980s this patriotism
started to be something reactionary
because it was anti-soviet so it is
something which i wanted to start
i don't know what do you think about
this
so the the polish communist patriotism
was anti-soviet
uh
no no no in the time of the
in the time of the second world war it
was
against against germans against nazi but
the problem is that the the polish
workers party
attacked
when you take newspapers of the polish
workers party they attacked german like
a nation
not nazi like uh yeah ideology of the
and you know it was the time when in
poland uh
in the time of war there are the six
million of poles who died in in the
occupation and every poll have somebody
in the family who was killed by the by
the germans so for building the mars
mass movement
this uh this
[Music]
easy easy propaganda that we are
against against germans we want to
independent state and also we want the
we want the social reform they they
didn't talk about the communism this
study who decided that
communism in poland and don't work well
because
because
because for example in the time of the
of the existing of communist party of
poland there was all these
anti-communist propaganda
they accused the member of the communist
party of poland that they are the agent
of moscow agent of soviet union uh and
they didn't wanted to discuss with this
and they they said yes
for us our our homeland is soviet union
and we want to make poland uh the
um
the republic of the soviet union from
the for for me for for the
political
may
politically it was good but it was not
something which worked to be
by
mass movement so for building mass
movement it's better to
to try to
listen what is the
what
what workers want and
there was something that
the party wanted
something and the workers
they are not
not connection and it is something that
i think that that is a problem of many
many marxists from from internet also
maybe me and and
also in the youtube in american youtube
that
uh
one thing that is what is the real uh
real feelings that workers want today
and
the second what is the offer of the
of the people who for example say
we need to fight for the giving all the
american lands to the native americans
[Music]
maybe from the moral perspective it it
is it is something which is just me but
it will be never something which you
organize the workers in the in the usa
so so i think that in this in this
discussion which you may have with jason
unruh you you are a realist realist and
you are
bigger chance bigger
bigger chance to build
a movement because from this other
perspective first world maoism
it's
it's it's it's not working
so uh
this basic distinction right between uh
the real
real situation and uh
what's considered ideologically correct
or moral
you can actually find beginning with
marks and angles even before this mass
movement uh
this distinction is basically the point
of material is dialectic right
uh
if one's morality is at odds with the
real material reality
then one must
uh
one must
rethink what the real implications of
one morality is i'll give you an example
in the context of marxism leninism
so with uh
stalin's
his distrust toward other communist
parties independent communist parties in
general taking place in other nations
uh it stems from the distinction created
by the lenin by the bolsheviks right
between the democratic revolution
and the communist revolution right
now
the democratic revolution for lenin
right was something actually objective
it's part of material reality it's
something that happens in the material
uh
it's a realist view of the reality right
like the small peasants have a problem
with the landowners
have a problem with aristocracy with
feudalism whatever
and this is the basis for objective
democratic revolution so communists
they can be hands off even and it will
still happen somehow right
lenin's theory
is that communists are the best equipped
to lead this revolution this democratic
revolution
uh so this is why he combined the
workers and the peasants the
dictatorship of the workers and peasants
because for lenin
uh
the bourgeoisie was on cannot lead
democratic revolution in uh
in
in
the russian empire
so up toward stalin
when stalin was fighting against his own
uh party bureaucracy when he was in the
30s and when he assumed power and even
later through the 40s stalin's whole
goal was basically to reduce the power
of the communist party and the communist
ideologists and so on and strengthen the
more objective and realist
structures of soviet states because for
stalin state was not just a subjective
reality of ideology
morality and so on it had an objective
it followed objective laws of history
and objective reality so stalin wanted
to reduce the power of the communist
party to a more spiritual guide
uh of the state he didn't want the state
to be synonymous with the communist
party
so uh
i think this is where the marxist view
contrasts with uh idealism and
liberalism and even fascism
which is its recognition that statehood
and
revolution social revolution has an
objective uh reality right communists
must submit themselves to the laws of
social revolution
and cannot dictate the terms of this
revolution like we may arrive at the
idea that this is more moral or more
ideologically correct but if it comes at
the expense of the material reality it's
not correct now with regard to stalin's
distrust of the polish communism
uh i read this in the context of
stalin's distrust of uh
most importantly of the chinese
communist party of mao and so on and so
on and the reason is because uh for
stalin the communist party
was the kind of ultimate spiritual guide
of
it's the highest form of state power
more or less right and
to possess it's almost like a church
sacred kind of church right if this is
being reproduced in poland he was
suspicious of this because
uh he did not trust that they would be
able to reconcile
the communist party
with this objective national social
reality so it in a sense um
stalin did not trust other national uh
communist parties or civilizational
communist parties
uh
because he himself did not fully uh
he did not fully arrive at a theory
about the relationship between the
communist party and
the people's democracy or the popular
front
he just took it for granted right it was
almost like uh
it was almost like uh how should i put
it
[Music]
uh uh
it's almost like a a prohibited uh
reality like we have yes the soviet
communist party but its origins are too
sacred and mysterious to be
directly reproduced in other countries
so we will guide the world revolution in
moscow and
you will in other countries you instead
of arriving at your own independent
communist party you will just obey the
objective social laws of history of the
democratic
revolution more or less
yes but i think that there was
there wasn't one stallion
there you have one study in 1930s
who
who are the in the charge of the soviet
union and this problem which existed in
the communist party in of poland existed
in other section of the communi of the
third international
and uh
in the time of the second world war uh
the the the
soviet union and the communists from the
third international they decided that
this strategy that
failed failed because in every european
countries the the fascism take power
and these these communist parties were
very very weak so so we have one
strategy in 1930s where the communist
parties have to
obey the the communist party of the
soviet union and make
exactly the same thing like in the
soviet union but
the the strategy in the 1944 1945 is
different this strategy
for the police workers party was
different
that there are in the the leadership of
this polish workers party there are the
communists who
wanted in every article make situation
of stalin and stalin said no
don't do this don't do this because if
you all the time you will say you are
stalinist you support soviet union you
want collectivization
you need to be
the party which is based in your culture
in your in your
in your country
because it will be better to build a
mass movement and and popularity for for
this so so so there is one strategy
before the second world war and the
creation of the of the countries like
like poland czechoslovakia etc
is different and um
it's my remark
uh
so which what was different after the
second world war
the
in the
uh
because
the older europe was occupied by the
nazis and because
there was a collaboration of the allies
in the in the occupied zone the polish
bourgeoisie polish aristocracy they
collaborated with the with the nazis
and the the the reality of the
occupation was
it was anti-workers so all the trade
unions were were
de-legalized if you are fighting against
your your bourgeoisie
the germans can kill you
so
it was very easy to make a movement
which was in one side uh
it was the liberation of the nation and
in the other side it was the movement
who wanted to expropriate the the
bourgeoisie and the aristocracy
and
and
because
it was
it was something common to all these all
these eastern europe countries it was
very easy to build mars movement or the
working people and say all these
all these
people who are in the charge the nazis
and the collaborators from the polish
bourgeoisie we have to kick them out and
build socialism uh so uh
the the difference the biggest
difference is that in the time of the
war they didn't make situation from
hegel or or marx or something like this
the the the the agitation was very very
easy uh they they they are the traitors
they are the capitalist nazis we have to
fight with them that's all
and
and and before uh
the strategy of the communist party of
poland
uh it was the normal strategy of
communists who tried to make all this
marxist propaganda education
teach about the what is the marxist
economy and stuff like this
so uh
just to simplify it's basically that
the revolution had an objective basis
not subjective ideological basis
objective basis in the situation but my
theory my
my
interpretation of marxism leninism
is that in a sense
all social revolution whether in a
period of wartime occupation by a
foreign power or not
must be a patriotic
because
uh
the objective social revolution which is
the contradiction and antagonism between
establishments aristocrats landowners
and um
basically social parasites right and
this small proprietor peasantry small
petite was
that is an objective revolution that's
not
that does not need to be initiated
through proletarian consciousness you
don't need proletarian consciousness to
have populism so to speak right populism
will be there
so if the communists are not the ones
leading making sense of the populism
then
someone else will fascist will far right
will and so on and so on but the
populism so to speak right which is a
contradiction between the countryside
the
national basis if you will and this
aristocrats and
establishment that's a contradiction
that will be there regardless of uh
ideology it's an objective contradiction
so
that's why during war it's the reason
you me you can interpret uh
it was easy for communists to cease
power after the war
because it was very clear that the
interests of the ruling class were
anti-patriotic right they could clearly
show how to be a true patriot one must
be a
communist right
but my view is simply that this is
holding true even
outside of situation a situation of
wartime occupation it's a patriotic
thing to fight your establishment you
can say
they are removed from the real basis and
roots of the country
uh and they're
urbanized and they're too uh
liberalized and artificial and so on and
so on and that there is an authentic
countryside of the people of the soil
and so on and so on
uh that communists must make sense of
and to me this is what lenin precisely
did in the russian empire right
russia at the time was not occupied by a
foreign power
and
but whether the bolsheviks didn't admit
this and one of the reasons they did not
admit this was because the european
bourgeois nation state did not apply to
the conditions of russia russian people
and russian empire but the bolsheviks
for example in contrast to the
mensheviks were seen as more
patriotic just in the sense of uh more
earthly more related to the russian
peasant more russian more uh
uh
more down to earth down to the soil
right
uh because they uh because they
represented the interests the populist
interests of the this was also coming
from the
socialist revolutionaries and
their tradition as well but
the left socialist revolutionaries are
the ones who joined joined the
bolsheviks in the first place
after
the seizure of power
but
it's always important that communists
must lead
must be the leading force of their own
civilizations inner objective
striving there's an objective striving
objective law of social revolution in
each and every civilization
to me the job of communists is to
lead this but not
not dictate the terms of the revolution
but lead this revolution clarify it
because here's where communism becomes
important to me
is
for example uh dialectics right if one
falls into the error of one-sidedness
you will not be able to successfully
lead a social revolution in your country
trump in the united states failed to
lead uh this social revolution against
or sorry the
popular movement against the
establishment because
well he was in bed with a ruling class
anyway but um
he completely failed he couldn't he
couldn't understand the necessary
contradictions
um
uh for example
that yes while
the
establishment must be overthrown there
must be some kind of alternative and so
on and so on
so to me
communists should make the case that
if right-wing populists and fascists and
so on and so on they're fake patriots
because they will fail they would just
like how in the aftermath of world war
ii if you were a kind of uh
fascist or right winger you're not a
patriot right you're going against the
interests of your own people
just like that
communists should always be the ones to
say
others will fail to lead this
revolution
i think that
in this question of russian revolution
you can be right
but you are not right when you spoke
about lenin i will explain
uh you could be right because
the
the
february revolution we could consider
like a
revolution which was
a little bit inspired by the patriotism
but because there was all this question
that the monarchy in russia
it was the german monarchy that the
all these
nicolai romano of his wife his wife
when in the time of the world
she became one of the leader of the
russia and because of her romance with
with rasputin and the dynasty german
dynasty in the russia be was something
very unpopular
and the february revolution it was it
was spontaneous movement not organized
by lenny not organized by manchester but
but it was spontaneous movement starting
by the
strike of the woman's which in a few
days became a revolution and the
terrorism was
was destroyed so so in this perspective
where when we have russia russian people
which are
ruled by the german dynasty
and
there was a lot of
hatred against this dynasty
it could be right but the the position
of lenin was different lenin uh in the
first days of the
war uh
he he said that the position of the
russian communist
should be the the our
enemy is the our government we need to
fight that the russian russia in this
war will fail
and also
this this split in the in the government
of the soviets in the time of the of the
treaty of brethren because it was the
question yeah it's it's it's okay
because i'm familiar with the history
right i know this history okay but you
have misunderstood me
so you're talking about the european
inspired nationalism within russia
uh specifically in the context of the
first world war of course lenin is
opposed to this as i said the european
nation state
does not satisfy the real depth and
basis of
the russian civilization
lenin is the february revolution was not
was
more of an urban demand boudoir
revolution right it wasn't
it wasn't the revolution of peace land
and bread now we talk about peace
which was a context of opposing world
war one
uh but what about land and bread well
land and bread is precisely an appeal to
the russian peasant majority within the
russian empire
and this is what the february revolution
was unable to deliver upon the february
revolution
was not
authentically patriotic in the sense of
the russian patriotism of world war ii
because it did not have its basis in the
russian people the real peasants right
it was trying to adopt the foreign model
of the european nation state
and nationalism now linen did not talk
about the deep
roots of russian civilization and so on
and so on because
the language with which to articulate
this did not yet exist
but if we believe that stalin was the
most faithful student of lenin then it's
very clear that the bolsheviks grounding
in the authentically russian
civilization like even before peter the
great as
stalin put it stalin viewed peter the
great as a westernizer a germanizer he
wanted to
in a sense return to
ivan ivan the terrible so stalin did
view there that there was a unique
grounding in a deeper russian
civilization that's not reducible to
european uh
nation state
i need to make it very clear because on
the internet and on twitter there has
been this huge
slander of our position on the question
of patriotism it has nothing to do
with the context of world war one
during world war one the nationalisms of
world war one and this uh so-called
patriotism
was as lenin pointed out a war of the
imperialist bourgeoisie is not just an
ideological talking point it was
objectively the fact it wasn't a
reflection
of some authentic
uh
reality of the country in these
countries it was a war that was started
from the top down right by the
oligarchies and establishments and so on
and so on so it wasn't like a
populist war in a sense right
uh
so i need to make very clear yes lenin
was against what he called the social
patriots and the chauvinists and so on
and so on
but
during that time that was the context of
world war one right
uh in terms of the unique realities of
the russian civilization to be against
that war
was to be a true
patriot in the stalinist sense of the
word right because
uh this war
uh
was initiated started and and
uh fought on the terms of
the europeanized russian elites
at the expense of the broad russian
majority
so i think that's why i need to
intervene and say it's there's a
misunderstanding i of course
lenin was not explicitly some kind of
like particularly some kind of patriot
but as we see from the consequences of
his unique discovery specifically
through the stalin
stalin years leading to the great
patriotic war
he was authentically
a russian marxist in contrast to the
mensheviks and the rest who
were just europeanized
i think that in the question national
question
it was the lenin who learned from
starring that the stalin was the
specialist of the national question
and some the in the from the russian
perspective it is very important to
understand the
difference between the
patriotism of the oppressed nation like
poles like like georgians like
jews and
other nations which was a part of the
russian empire
and the patriotism of the russian which
was and it was uh contradictory that
i think that lenin fought that in the
same time the patriotism of the of the
of the oppressed nation it is something
which is good and the patriotism of
russian it is bad it is reactionary but
that's that's only because and again
during the context of that time
patriotism would mean
war with other countries right
now lenin was trying to say that when an
oppressed nation is fighting a war of
liberation that's different from an
inter-imperialist war
between oppressor imperialist nations so
that's the point he was trying to make
when i say that
every
civilization or nation communists must
be patriotic i'm not saying they must
advocate for wars
i'm saying lenin's position was
authentically patriotic he was against
the war he was fighting for a civil war
all i insist upon is the fact
that the civil war lenin was insisting
to be fought against the bourgeoisie the
landowners
and the
effectively the establishment was an
authentically patriotic struggle it was
a patriotic struggle
uh
waged on behalf of the authentic
representatives of the russian
civilization the russian peasantry the
russian people against an establishment
that ceased to uh
cease to authentically represent it now
this much is made very overtly clear
with mao by the time we arrive at mao
mao zetong right
but it's not yet explicit in lenin
it's
more or less explicit in stalin when he
said that the task of communists
worldwide is to be patriots for their
country
and
seize the majority win
favor of the majority within their
respective countries
but in lenin's time
patriotism as he used it was referring
to the national fervor of waging war or
it wasn't referring to
like a populistic uprising against
establishment that's formulated on
patriotic terms
um
[Music]
it's really as simple as that it's it's
like uh
to me
it's about what is the meaning of
patriotism patriotism does not mean
uh
doesn't mean
patriotism even within oppressor nations
is how you
accentuate
the contradiction within the oppressor
nation itself to me the alternative to
this is a very
vain
condescending hypocritical
and bourgeois moralistic position
according to which
like
people in the oppressor nation must
have guilt and must cease to have pride
and they must kind of um you will never
win you will never win a significant
minority
of people within uh oppressor nations if
you operate under those terms you have
to formulate
that
it is in the authentic interests of the
country
which it is already in the united states
for example
anti-war sentiment is populist even
before communists have to say anything
right why are we going and fighting why
do we have military bases around the
world why do we it's not in the
interests of our country to be a patriot
means to oppose war right in this
country
so
that's really my view
we you there must the marxist
dialectical position
comes with the view and this is my
position
that if you believe your morality is
correct imperialist war is wrong
oppression is wrong
uh
subjugation of others is wrong you not
only must believe it is wrong you also
must believe that in objective material
reality
the forces of laws of history
uh
affirm this
there must be a unity between the
subjective and the objective
if you if you cannot have the faith that
the law of history is behind you and it
is in the objective material interest
of a given country
uh
that's harmonious with your morality
this leads to subjectivism idealism and
ultimately
liberalism
i think that
this position
worked
when
there are the guys like caleb mopping
who in the same time when he wants to
build the communist patriotic movement
he collaborated with countries which are
in the attacked by the united states he
collaborated with russia today
with iran and and countries like this
com
so so i i can i can understand
because you you know the leftist
movement which we try to build in poland
in the last in the last months we
printed one
one leaflet against that occupation
poland by the us army second leaflet was
against the television tefauen which is
a proprietor of discovery also america
also we were against buying buying
u.s tanks abrams so our our fight for
socialism is
is connected with also
anti-imperialism and in the poland's
specific this anti-imperialism it is
anti-american imperialist because we are
very very dependent so so all
you know
one day when when for example there will
be international meeting and there will
be communities from every country and
there will be communities from country
which are occupied by the usa
and they will be not happy when the
communists from usa
came with the flag which they hate
because the the the flag maybe not in
poland because in poland the u.s
soldiers didn't kill anybody but
you know in iran or i don't know other
countries there are a lot of people who
died because of american imperialism
because of sanction and
well to me uh you see i specifically
know about iranian sentiment on this
question
the victims of u.s imperialism don't
care about the flag they care about what
it means and if american patriots are
fighting
in anti-imperialist solidarity with them
and actually i mean what what helps them
better right we winning our country and
putting an end to the
policies and the military aggression or
us abandoning the war and not being able
to make us abandoning the flag and not
being able to make any difference about
the sanctions and so i mean uh there was
many anti-imperialists
who were ecstatic about donald trump
being elected because they thought
that trump would be a new
clean slate
to start new relations with the us and
lift
aggressive sanctions they were wrong but
that's what the impression of many some
countries was of course who does north
korea prefer in power is it trump or
is it biden the american flag
is a symbol of genocide in a sense in
north korea but that doesn't stop them
from being able to prefer trump to biden
because trump
did not want a military solution to the
conflict on the korean peninsula
so
uh now
i don't know which communist parties
directly use the flag of their country i
don't think american communist party
would have to use the flag of united
states in an international meeting of of
communist parties i think it would just
use the flag of its communist party
but the point is to give new meaning to
the flag
not simply
take it's like uh what matters more the
material reality or the ideal symbol
right
for as long as the symbol of american
flag represents american imperialism
okay
but if people are struggling to give it
a different meaning
i don't see what the issue would be now
to clarify my position
i fervently just so there's no confusion
i think polish communists must be more
anti-american they're not anti-american
enough
they need to be
extreme and more like iranian
anti-americans burn the flag and so on
and so on anti-americanism in europe is
good i want to see more anti-americanism
in europe personally i
am happy when i see anti-americanism
in europe and uh throughout the world at
large because when they are burning the
american flag when they're speaking
against america i view them as speaking
against my own ruling class here in the
united states
uh
because it's the ruling class of the
united states which
uh
has its power secured and consolidated
by having its tentacles
across the world its influence in poland
is
is the same as its influence
here right to the extent that it's
powerful in poland our ruling class is
powerful here so if polish patriots are
anti-american
i salute them right i consider them
that's to me true international
solidarity
[Music]
so i understand there can be confusion
when it comes to the use of symbols but
we have to focus on the material reality
of the symbol what does it mean right
american patriots
uh
uh
they may use the american flag but when
they use the american flag they're
sending a different message
their message is basically that we are
the authentic representatives of
american people or we want to be the
authentic representatives
of this country it's history voidborn
donated 20
it's history and it's
uh its
civilization reality and so on and so on
and this has been the position of the
popular front since the 1930s whether
your country's anti-imperialist or not
uh it's a given that communists must be
sorry whether your country is fighting a
war of anti-imperialism or not the only
chance communists have to seize power in
respective countries is to be the best
patriots
but remember patriotism does not mean
uh
[Music]
doing whatever is in the interest of
your ruling class or your establishment
or your government or even doing
what's going to in the short term
increase the standard of living of your
population
it means to in the long term represent
the authentic interests of your country
my view is humanist i think as a
humanist as human beings our interests
are for humanity as a whole right
and human beings have different uh
nations and countries and civilizations
and
each one of those civilizations is based
on our common humanity it's my view
so i would like to ask you i watch your
video about the communist party of the
usa and i can say that the communist
party of poland there are very similar
guys for this from the usa and it is not
compliment so
the question is why the park the the
communist party which before second
world war
was something very strong in usa and
something combative today is something
ridicule and
[Music]
what why
well uh it has to do to me with a
misinterpretation of the theory of the
popular front
so our communist party in the united
states
thinks that
the lesson from the popular front is
that it must tail the democrats because
the democrats
represent the the authentic people
nation and so on and so on
uh
and that popular front means all this
identity politics and this
intersectionality is an anti-marxist
theory that came out of our universities
that this represents popular front
but they don't understand and maybe this
has to do with rejection of mao zeitung
thought or something else but
the communist party in usa doesn't
understand there's a difference between
authentic popular forces
and they represent the apparent
representative of the popular forces the
establishment they don't have a good
theory of uh the conflict between masses
and establishments
is the main issue of uh
so to me for example i agree with theory
theory of the popular front but in the
united states to me this must be the
context of um
the communist party should align itself
with anti-establishment populist forces
like the people's party or other kind of
third party initiative something like
that right
uh it shouldn't be
the fault uh so-called representative
because the so-called representative can
enter into contradiction with
the real uh
masses of course right
uh
it to me it really is
boiled down to this our communist party
is
part of american
establishment it's tied to the corporate
liberal
democrat uh
establishment and it confuses this with
some kind of authentic historical
progress right it's
it's uh
it's too afraid to go down to the soil
of american people and define itself on
this basis because it views
well if
if we
go down to the people
without our political correctness and
our universities and our
cities and establishments all the people
are reactionary the people are ignorant
the people are backward
but
this stems from a lack of uh
it stems from an idealistic bourgeois
kind of view that
they don't have to learn from the people
the people must only learn from them
and also if
for example the people are wrong they
have bad views on abortion and other gay
marriage whatever other kinds of issues
if you are ultimately correct you must
have the internal confidence
that you can persuade them or
uh
put it into terms that
make sense to them the minute you give
up on the people is the minute you
create a completely bankrupt position
of uh bourgeois elitism right
when you say ah there's nothing we can
do the people are backward and we are
correct one cannot be a communist if
they have this view you must do
self-criticism and ask why do i fail to
persuade
the masses
keep having self-criticism until one is
correct don't ever say
just the people are irredeemable and
stupid and we must
strengthen corporate
establishment america and its
anti-democratic
struggle against the people because they
know better you know it's really
disgusting here in the united states
we have silicon valley amazon the
democrats
this new vaccine mandate [Β __Β ] we
have a crackdown new kind of tyranny
against the majority the popular
majority
uh and the so-called communists are in
favor of it because they think ah the
people are too
stupid and too backward so we have to
trust the elites
elites to do the correct thing
what then is left of the
legacy of the
this is a new kind of fascism it's a new
kind of return of feudalism right
the whole point of democratic
revolutions the bourgeois democratic
revolutions was
a fundamental faith trust in the people
if this is gone
communists in the united states will be
accessories to the rise of some
new politically correct fascism
what is your strategy for the next five
years do you want to build the party or
do you want to present your to election
or
or what or make revolution to me
the com there's only one communist party
in the united states and uh i still want
to struggle using my media platform
uh to seize hegemony over the communist
party
if i fail if we fail to
make inroads into that party
then my theory is the party form itself
of a communist party is obsolete there
should be no there can be no communist
party and we should simply
be in
a populist party like the people's party
and and go from there but i don't
believe that i still believe in party
form but it's almost a theological
question at this point right it's like
with catholicism there is one church
right there can't be multiple churches
protestantism they say no
there can be multiple churches or the
church is inside the heart
so on and so on but i still believe in
one communist party i believe in a
communist party i don't believe i can
make a new party because we have
millions and millions of parties
sorry not millions it's exaggeration but
we have several several several parties
in the united states
uh they're all sect sects right so to me
there's one communist party and
for as long as there's one communist
party
unless the communists see theoretically
we can influence the party we can make
inroads right because
according to its own program and rules
and protocols internally
uh we won't violate the rules by doing
this but if they suddenly
just drastically change
they will be destroying their own party
and i actually think communist party usa
is going to
at this road the people joining it are
going to destroy the party because
you know this
the new idea is that united states
should not be recognized as a country
united states
according to these new people joining
the party is a force of occupation
against the indigenous tribes and
there's no such thing as united states
well the name of the parties the
communist party of usa
so what will become of a party
uh
when it adopts this line that all land
in the usa must be returned
to indigenous uh minority
it's the the party will have no future
right because
the communist party usa can't be the
leader of the indigenous it's the
communist party usa why should
indigenous accept
this party as their leader they won't
right
so
they're leading it down a road of
destruction
is what i see but i want to do my best
to stop that if the party is destroyed
then the goal will then be reconstitute
the communist party some in some kind of
way
and what is your analysis of china dprk
cuba and vietnam
specifically i view china as
the hegelian idea of world spirit the
world spirit shifts to different
countries right hegel in his time
thought germany was the place of the
world spirit right you can maybe say in
20th century america was the world
spirit right it was uh the number one
driving force of modernization
uh in the world it was the leader of the
global market and the global economy and
so on and so on and it was the land of
the future right
but today this has shifted to china
china is today
uh the
site of the world spirit china is um the
future it's not but it's not
it's not the chinese geopolitical
strategy to replace america
as an imperialist power but
to be a guiding force
not using force like
military but
uh just being an objective
example to follow and influence and so
on and so on
uh so to me i don't just see china as a
victim of u.s imperialism i see china as
the future as a growing power of the
future of humankind and
probably the most advanced
civilization
of the world today right so
that's important
uh on the dprk i think dprk has
obviously had many economic problems
because of u.s sanctions in the past two
decades but
to me the dprk is the sole legitimate
bearer of the authentic and independent
korean
civilization so south korea is a colony
of the united states so to me north
korea
uh
contains the history the tradition
the
how should i say the uh
the dormant powers of korean people and
korean civilization so to me
there is a big future ahead for north
korea i have a positive optimistic view
vietnam
i'm not too familiar with vietnam i
heard recent news that
vietnam is working toward
getting closer to solving its diplomatic
issues with china
diplomatically and not
i hope they don't collaborate with
united states against china
any of the disputes going forward i hope
they resolve it in a manner of defeating
of uh
fraternal socialist states be honest i'm
not really familiar with vietnam
finally on the question of cuba
i think cuba is an interesting example
because
cuba uh
is going seems like it's undergoing a
lot of changes but the conservatives
by conservative mean conservative
communists
they are they are getting the upper hand
in cuba now cuba is not
liberalizing it's not becoming
you know uh
how should i say it's not like
it's not going to make concession to the
liberal democracy and liberalism and so
on so it's it's following xi example in
china of doubling down
on its communist
basis and so on and so on so i'm i'm
glad to see this going on for for cuba i
think we have a very paradoxical time
today right
for many decades it was believed that
this authoritarian
sorry communist states will just open up
and that this is the tide of history and
then they will become more liberal more
democratic but now we see with the
era of xi jinping thought
the contrary is true
the tide of history is on the side of
those who have
moved past liberalism have
moved past this and there's a rich
wealth of
uh
development and culture and future
for these countries that are
cultivating their post-liberal identity
cuba communists
china the communists north korea same
thing and so on and so on russia with
i'm not a fan of putin but
me putin is resi somewhat somewhat
resisting uh
the west
and also the communist party in russia i
heard is gaining ground and putin's
scared scared scared of them so that's
good news as well but uh
this post-liberal post-american
specifically post see to me americanism
is globalism americanism is universal
culture universal values human rights so
on and so on
we are moving into a post-american
era and to me american
socialist patriotism is post
geopolitically post-american we must as
american communists focus inward
internally yes we must
uh we must examine and embrace the
indigenous native american they have a
big part to play to shape the identity
of america always have
also the black population hispanic and
so on and so on
but we must focus inward and
arrive at our own unique particular
civilization or identity or something
right
america can no longer be the universal
state we must be just another state
right you have
poland uh you have france you have
germany britain
uh greece whatever
and we must also have america just as
another country no longer as uh
the universal america
yes but
don't you think that
this question about these countries was
the analysis
of the future and
the
reform of deng
was very similar to reform which taken
place in poland few years
earlier in the time of gerek and in
1970s he started to er
to make the the polish economy socialist
economist
was
[Music]
collaborating with the western banks and
western technologies and in the first
years
it provoked
a
big growth of the economy so
1971 72 73 74 the polish economy was
growing very very fast but
in the time of the crisis in 1979
it's it's finished and it was the
first
first crisis in the socialist state
because normally in socialist state the
difference between the economic the the
socialism and capitalism is that because
of the central plan economy in the
socialism there is there are no
something like crisis in poland we have
crisis in 1979
and
a few years later it provoked the
contribution in poland and do you think
that
this
this class of the billions and
millionaires or billionaires which are
now in china
that they also will
try to make revolution or china or maybe
xi jinping
he will make something like stalin in
1929
uh it's interesting so
i don't know too much about the polish
history but to me was not the economic
reform
also correspond to a political
liberalization
oh in poland there was also a very
active the
catholic church movement
so
so we have the catholic church movement
we have the
working strike people who who are
demands in 1980s when they starting to
strike in poland
they wanted the better socialism they
wanted that socialism is socialism not
uh
we the the economy was in crisis yeah
yeah and
there was
and some things was reserved only for
the people from the uh
directors of the parties so workers were
were angry
and these workers were manipulated by
the anti-communists by the church it was
the time when the
polish pope became that that the pope
that paul became a pope so
a lot of people
it was the time of the real
big reaction
in the time of the ideology the the
socialism in 1950s was something popular
in the young polls because
there was a lot of enthusiasm to
rebuilding poland the poland was
destroyed and the young workers
became a member of the workers party and
they
it was
they
they wanted to build something new which
didn't exist before but
the
from the ideological perspective
in 1980s
already socialism is is falling
the party is still in the power but
nobody said about socialism the
legitimization of the party it is
patriotism the
legitimization of the of the opposition
it is anti-communism catholicism
will of usa and
stuff like this but nobody defends
socialist system in 1980s
to me the the central issue as far as i
can see was uh poland did have a
liberalization of economy but
it didn't have its own indigenous
building up of productive forces and
capital so in china
china had
an indigenous basis of
capital accumulation after uh the great
leap forward it separate the peasants
from their means of production
and from this it was able to build up
its own national industrial system
poland when it liberalized its economy
was still relying on foreign loans to
build up its economy but it didn't have
its independent uh
engine engine of the economy it's
independent
uh
national industrial base that can
survive crisis right
so i think there's a lot of differences
between poland and china but granted
there is a kind of class struggle being
waged in china now
now it's not a class struggle of people
clashing on the streets and direct
political conflict but it's an internal
structural reform
and we have seen xi and the communist
party they've been very successful so
it's been one-sided but
if there will be a form of resistance by
a faction
of the chinese ruling class
ruling class you know the people who
have benefited the new class right
uh
if they are going to resist the
structural reform or not i to me is up
and we don't know we don't know
uh they so far have not shown
as far as i can see any major signs but
it's always a possibility
um
xi has tremendous popular support within
china
so i think the future is open but i
i have an optimistic view and want to
have the confidence that
chinese dynasties have lasted uh
hundreds and hundreds of years right
i hope we are out of the 20th century
and into an era in which
it's possible for the first time the
communist party may rule for
uh
thousands of years
you know it may rule for many many
centuries to come
many people speculate china has finally
arrived at its
breaking point but what if china has
gone to a point of
the party has
become harmonious with the chinese
civilization
uh the period of troubles and turmoil is
over right the age of civil wars and
revolutions and so on and so on so i
hope
i hope that's my optimistic view the
communist party will be here to stay for
many many centuries to come
and what do you think about the
populist movement in latin america the
election in peru
in bolivia in venezuela last election in
in
in
nicaragua an
election in honduras which was few days
ago that
in every of this country the the leftist
40s take power and do you think that
this is this is
something like the social democracy from
europe so then
it will be normal capitalist system but
a little leftist or
you think that it is chance for changing
that
they will
try to
i don't know to
make something
are other than capitalism
to me the most important thing is not
uh
the economic system per se it's you have
one has to have both geopolitical
sociological and um
should i put it kind of uh
civilizational analysis right so to me
geopolitically speaking a difference
with the social demo social democracy is
an umbrella of
us imperialism it's not it doesn't have
in a sovereign basis in its own
countries right
uh
to me this populism within latin america
represents authentic striving to create
sovereign power of latin american power
right sovereign from the united states
sovereign from foreign capital sovereign
from this so to me the the most
important thing is to build independent
industrial and economic base to no
longer be reliant on the united states
now
experimenting with different social
system
is then possible right first you must
win the sovereignty
uh you must win this self-determination
and
win
being able to build a state of your own
people
then you have the freedom to experiment
with different uh social systems right
some countries in latin america want to
experiment with uh bitcoin and so on we
see venezuela has done socialistic
experiments uh of socialistic forms of
ownership and so on and so on but these
are only made possible because they are
representing an indigenous
broader indigenous movement to create
uh the sovereignty of the people in
those countries and the civilization
uh to me the latin american
movements
should not we should not just see the
world ideologically right it's the world
is not an ideological conflict between
different ideologies
it's also a geopolitical and
civilizational
conflict
so we should also view latin american
communism within the context of
the unique latin american civilization
what is latin america what does it
represent what kind of
countries are latin america what
form of state would they have what's
culture what's people and so on and so
on these are very very important to the
questions the communists have been
successful in latin america
because they have been the most
successful as in china as in soviet
union
so on and so on in representing this
right this unique uh reality
so
to me uh latin america is a kind of
mystery to me right because
uh
we don't know what
we don't know
you know there's a word multi-polarity
right each there's different polarities
we don't we haven't seen what the latin
american polarity looks like how to
think about the national question
in latin america so it's a very open
open future
but what i will say is that
a big personal inspiration to me
and my view of things like populism and
so on and so on was chavismo hugo chavez
his movement
to me that was
the first major inspiration from the
real world
in defining my own uh
sense of what socialism or communism uh
is or what it means
and what what is your analysis of the of
this question of identity politics which
is very important now to the left in the
western countries
to me uh it's a complete false it's a
complete
sham not specifically because
it doesn't represent anything real there
is a national question in the united
states obviously with the black
population
and yes there is a lot of derangement
and perversion of the so-called
conservatives
who have a pathology against the sexual
minorities right and we should be
opposed to this
but
to me
the identity politics the number one
problem is
the ideology and practice of
intersectionalism
which uses establishments and academia
and uh politically correct bubbles right
to filter reality in a politically
correct way and
basically gatekeep
movements to me intersectionality this
idea that all
identity struggles are equal with the
class struggle and they have to be
mediated and this is this doesn't allow
any breathing room for
an acknowledgement of organic
spontaneity
of the authentic people in authentic
masses they're trying to create their
own fake people
in place of the real ones right the
communist party hears the same way they
say
ah you know
there's this populism is bad our
populism is better because we are
intersectional but where's your people
it's just you
you know so
we need to have uh we need to recognize
material reality of the people and the
working class comes first
if you believe that your
lgbt and so on and so on is progressive
in the authentic materialist historical
sense then you must have the faith
that
any anti-lgbt sentiments among the
working class
are inauthentic and that they can be
shown or persuaded or guided
to a contrary view than the reaction
review they may have
but you can't dismiss people for having
the reactionary view in the first place
it's up to you to show them why the
reactionary view is wrong if you can't
do that maybe your view is is the
reactionary one and they're correct
uh it's a matter of what do you really
believe here right
so uh to me
uh
i like to look at identity politics
uh
as opposed to viewing it as a matter of
like
we need to
here's the lgbt here's the women here's
the minorities here's i don't like
looking at it this way i like looking at
it in terms of problems right why is
there such a big fuss over lgbt because
in a sense uh the traditional
sorry not traditional a conventional way
that we
uh
culturally relate to sexuality has been
changed right sexuality has
is going through a crisis in general
communists should
just be at peace with that fact we
should be at peace with the fact that uh
with the internet and with mass media
and there's no longer a direct sense of
familiarity in terms of sexuality and so
on so we should just
we should just
be reconciled with that fact instead of
instead of um
focusing so much on
the symptom we should get to the root
cause right
and why it is many people have anti-lgbt
views is because they have a
they're experiencing a turmoil of their
own traditional
sexual norms and so on and so on
we shouldn't
become extreme here and like
embrace this turmoil and say this
turmoil is a good thing we should we
should try to find
a way
to show people they can be at peace with
their traditional
gender and sexual norms while at the
same time
not being threatened by the sexual
minorities so that's my view
okay
maybe do you want to ask something about
poland or france because you know i'm
living in france i'm not living in
poland
i am i am
in poland and me like in thousands of
polls in my generation we emigrated in
the time when the poland began
became a member of the european union so
the
many
people
emigrated because
because
it is easy way to
to change your salary to a little bigger
uh
i guess i would ask among the polish
left sometimes in some ex-communist
states you see a divide you see a more
pro-american left and a more pro-russian
left is this the same in poland or
no it's difficult
it's difficult to say that it is divide
i can say that this divide is the
98 percent is pro american
ah okay so
you
in
in my channel you can find an interview
which i made with matthias piskovsky he
was a leader of the
party is myanna it is change in english
and he tried to build the party which
wanted to
find that polish will not be member of
nato
that the
american will go from poland and he was
arrested he was in prison three years
he was accused that he is a russian spy
and
still he can't
live
leave poland because all the time the
process is
his trial that
three four times a year
they
they are
there are something but uh
so it is very very long procedure it was
in from 19 so from 2016 to
2019
uh he was in jail now he is in his house
but he can't
lift poland
so uh
so
the most of the polius polish left
is the very american so if you
if you
looked the history of the poland
it was the time of the
rule of the social democracy in 2001
2005 when poland sent
polish troops to afghanistan police send
troops to iraq polish
police decided to
build in poland the prison for for cia
and
and poland was also
was active in the uh
in the colored revolution in ukraine in
2004
and so the social polish social
democracy is very very active
in the supporting imperialism
uh all the time they are they are very
active all the time they organize
something again against bialorius
against wukashenko
so we have recitation which party is the
most pro-american one party which is now
in power
pis law and justice and the social
democracy they try to fight
who will be the the the guy who ruling
poland
in the name of the america and because
social democracy
have money because they have structure
so all the medias in in in in poli
leftist medias which of course are very
very weak
my my youtube channel in polish language
is
the same popularity like the social
democracy which is now in parliament
and i i don't have money i don't have
sponsor i don't have money from from
from the state
but
it's a problem because we have
corruption this corruption which existed
in in in democratic party when you have
some lefties who wanted to make a career
and if you want to be published
like a intelligentsia
you have to be
in good relation with
with the
social democracy and social democracy
all the time all the time they support
this imperialist politic of the usa and
when when piskovsky was in prison
everybody were silenced about this today
when assange is in prison everybody is
silenced but when the navalny or
or the
somebody like protest they they speak
about this all the time
uh so uh
as a foreign observer right i i see
parallels with american situation some
in some kind of way
my
my purse view my impression is that a
polish communism revived communist
movement has no future among the
existing polish left at all to me even
polish left may even be a more dangerous
enemy than
the populist right
uh to an extent populist right is
obviously very reactionary vile
dangerous and so on but
to me the most
probably most important and uh
successful position
the polish communists can adopt is
precisely the one that has gotten your i
imagine he may be your comrade in prison
which is probably why he was put in
prison in the first place because it's
such a has so much explosive potential
to start something is a populist polish
patriotism against the eu and that's an
important one too because when economic
crisis comes it's important to blame the
eu eu is important to blame because
eu represents polish
being part of
the polarity of the western european
countries and germany specifically
so against the eu against nato and
against the presence of u.s troops
it may be an unpopular position now but
i think it's a firm position that we'll
be uh able to build some kind of um
some kind of basis it would probably
have to be underground and so on and so
on
but uh
to me you know uh
this kind of um
pro-imperialist left within poland it's
i imagine more urbanized more liberal
more elitist and so on
uh
they are there's a kind of i detect
class struggle going on in poland
between its popular masses
countryside the backward countryside and
so on and so on who may also represent
the legacy of the communist poland
they probably anti-communist but
life was probably a little bit better
under the communism
some some respects
maybe right
life life in the socialist poland was
was much more better than today
that
we had
all this question of the housing of the
of the hospitals of the schools and we
have we have work we have work in poland
now the the problem
i am agree with the question of nato
with the military bases of usa with the
all this western
geopolitic but eu is something different
you it is it is for the polish working
class
it is
for me for example but
people like me in my age there are
thousands the truck drivers in european
union if you go to germany to the
parking in the outer route you will see
that
the half of the trucks this is the
polish trucks
you will go to the construction you will
see that there are a lot of workers from
poland or from romania from
from other other countries so
the
in the same time when the
when the polish government and have a
lot of a lot of wars with the
brussels with the european commission
uh the popularity of staying in in eu in
the polish population is is varied is 70
or 80 percent so today
i
i am against when i am speaking with
comrades of course we are against the
european union but it is not something
when we said publicly yeah yeah fight
for politics because the workers
the
the neighbor of poland is ukraine and
ukraine is not a member of european
union and the
you see that of course
our salaries is the smallest one in
europe
in european union but
in ukraine is is worse than in poland so
i i don't think uh
advocacy for leaving eu would be wise
but maybe
uh
poland has disputes with eu like greece
did on
briefly with series and so on
if
maybe the position should be we deserve
a more fair deal with eu we deserve as
poland
uh more from the eu if you deserve a
better deal and if it gets to the point
of the eu threatens to kick poland out
by that time the pace
you